Friday, August 22, 2008
Friday, June 6, 2008
Dalit woman burnt alive over water row
Blue Star
Friday, June 06, 2008
Dalit woman burnt alive over water row
Harda (MP): An elderly Dalit woman was burnt alive allegedly by three members of an upper caste community over a dispute on fetching water from a village hand pump.
Prembai, 55, suffered 80 per cent burns as she was set ablaze on Tuesday, Abhishek Ranjan, Sub-Divisional Police Officer, said today.
The incident took place at Harda's Kantada village where Prembai was stopped from using the village hand pump by three upper caste persons, Ranjan said.
A quarrel erupted as she refused to budge, following which Hiralal, Dinesh and Rajendra allegedly set her on fire, he said adding Prembai succumbed on Wednesday.
The incident came to light yesterday when Kantada villagers, along with her body, held demonstrations in front of the Harda Collectorate demanding action against the accused.
© Copyright 2008 PTI. All rights reserved
Friday, June 06, 2008
Dalit woman burnt alive over water row
Harda (MP): An elderly Dalit woman was burnt alive allegedly by three members of an upper caste community over a dispute on fetching water from a village hand pump.
Prembai, 55, suffered 80 per cent burns as she was set ablaze on Tuesday, Abhishek Ranjan, Sub-Divisional Police Officer, said today.
The incident took place at Harda's Kantada village where Prembai was stopped from using the village hand pump by three upper caste persons, Ranjan said.
A quarrel erupted as she refused to budge, following which Hiralal, Dinesh and Rajendra allegedly set her on fire, he said adding Prembai succumbed on Wednesday.
The incident came to light yesterday when Kantada villagers, along with her body, held demonstrations in front of the Harda Collectorate demanding action against the accused.
© Copyright 2008 PTI. All rights reserved
Thursday, May 29, 2008
Rework caste formula, says Gujjar leader Bainsla
Friday, May 30, 2008
Rework caste formula, says Gujjar leader Bainsla
Karwadi: Gujjar leader Kirori Singh Bainsla, spearhading an agitation to press for ST status for his community, on Thursday suggested it was time to exclude some castes which have already benefitted from quota and include new ones that "deserve and require" it.
Acknowledging that the quota space itself was getting increasingly crowded and keeping in mind the court ruling that reservation cannot exceed 49 per cent, Bainsla told reporters here that the "entire reservation system needs a relook".
He said no review had so far taken place about the extent of benefit to castes enjoying the reservation. Such an exercise should be undertaken to exclude castes which have benefitted by it and bring in its purview those castes which "deserve and require" quota, the Gujjar leader said.
"The best homage for the martyrs is that Gujjars get ST status. The Rajasthan government must send the correct recommendation to the Centre," said Bainsla who has already rejected Rajasthan government's suggestion for extending reservation to Gujjars under nomadic tribe status.
On the inconvenience caused by the Gujjars' agitation, he said, "I regret the inconvenience. We had no other option but to stay here till the ST stats recommendation is sent."
Asked where does the agitation go from here, Bainsla said, "We have paid the price. We have to stick to this place because we need this (ST status). We deserve this and we fulfil all parameters."
NCR burns
Meanwhile, at least two persons were on Thursday killed, one of them in police firing, and 14 policemen injured as stray violence marred the Gujjars agitation in Delhi and Haryana where normal life was badly disrupted by a rail and road blockade enforced by the community members, PTI adds from Chandigarh/New Delhi.
One person was killed when police opened fire on agitators who blocked traffic on national highway at Patti Kalyana in Panipat district of Haryana for hours while an elderly man died in the stampede triggered by the police action.
"An elderly fellow died in the stampede during the agitation while another who sustained bullet injury also died," Haryana's Additional Director General of Police (law and order) VB Singh, who visited the spot, told PTI over phone. He said some agitators were carrying arms and they too opened fire.
Singh said about 14 policemen were injured, three of them seriously, in the skirmishes with the agitators. Haryana Chief Minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda ordered a magisterial inquiry into the circumstances leading to the death of the two persons. Police earlier fired tear gas shells and charged with batons at the agitators.
Hitting the streets in large numbers in support of the ongoing agitation by their community members in Rajasthan demanding Scheduled Tribe status, the Gujjar protestors set afire a Haryana Roadways bus in Panipat and blocked movement of rail and vehicles in the national capital.
In Delhi, police lobbed teargas to dispers stone-pelting Gujjars in Mehrauli area and incidents of violence also occurred at Aya Nagar, bordering Gurgaon.
Thousands of Gujjars took to the streets in the national capital and adjoining region, blocking roads and rail links to the city. Police took about 50 people into custody. The protesters staged demonstrations across the capital and squatted on railway tracks, blocking trains reaching the capital.
Vehicular movement on major stretches leading to the metropolis like the Delhi-Noida-Delhi (DND) Expressway, Mathura Road connecting Faridabad and Delhi and Mehrauli-Gurgoan road was affected as protesters set-up blockades and burnt tyres.
Anticipating trouble, Railways cancelled ten trains, including Nizamuddin-Kochi, Maharashtra SamparKranti, Nizamuddin-Udaipur and Dehradun-Bandra Express. More than 35,000 police personnel, including those from the central paramilitary forces, were deployed in Delhi and surrounding areas, particularly in Gujjar-dominated areas.
Rail traffic between Aligarh and Ghaziabad was affected as a large number of protesters blocked a train in Loni in adjoining Ghaziabad on Thursday morning. The situation, however, returned to normalcy across the NCR by afternoon. However, tension continued at the village in Panipat where two persons were killed, prompting the authorities to deploy police in strength amidst fear that the situation may again turn volatile when the dead are cremated.
Responding to a call given by Gujjar Sangharsh Samiti, hundreds of Gujjars torched an effigy of Rajasthan Chief Minister Vasundhra Raje in Sirsa and Panchkula and raised slogans against her government. Similar protests were held at many places in Gurgaon and Rewari districts.
© Copyright 2008 HT Media Ltd. All rights reserved.
Rework caste formula, says Gujjar leader Bainsla
Karwadi: Gujjar leader Kirori Singh Bainsla, spearhading an agitation to press for ST status for his community, on Thursday suggested it was time to exclude some castes which have already benefitted from quota and include new ones that "deserve and require" it.
Acknowledging that the quota space itself was getting increasingly crowded and keeping in mind the court ruling that reservation cannot exceed 49 per cent, Bainsla told reporters here that the "entire reservation system needs a relook".
He said no review had so far taken place about the extent of benefit to castes enjoying the reservation. Such an exercise should be undertaken to exclude castes which have benefitted by it and bring in its purview those castes which "deserve and require" quota, the Gujjar leader said.
"The best homage for the martyrs is that Gujjars get ST status. The Rajasthan government must send the correct recommendation to the Centre," said Bainsla who has already rejected Rajasthan government's suggestion for extending reservation to Gujjars under nomadic tribe status.
On the inconvenience caused by the Gujjars' agitation, he said, "I regret the inconvenience. We had no other option but to stay here till the ST stats recommendation is sent."
Asked where does the agitation go from here, Bainsla said, "We have paid the price. We have to stick to this place because we need this (ST status). We deserve this and we fulfil all parameters."
NCR burns
Meanwhile, at least two persons were on Thursday killed, one of them in police firing, and 14 policemen injured as stray violence marred the Gujjars agitation in Delhi and Haryana where normal life was badly disrupted by a rail and road blockade enforced by the community members, PTI adds from Chandigarh/New Delhi.
One person was killed when police opened fire on agitators who blocked traffic on national highway at Patti Kalyana in Panipat district of Haryana for hours while an elderly man died in the stampede triggered by the police action.
"An elderly fellow died in the stampede during the agitation while another who sustained bullet injury also died," Haryana's Additional Director General of Police (law and order) VB Singh, who visited the spot, told PTI over phone. He said some agitators were carrying arms and they too opened fire.
Singh said about 14 policemen were injured, three of them seriously, in the skirmishes with the agitators. Haryana Chief Minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda ordered a magisterial inquiry into the circumstances leading to the death of the two persons. Police earlier fired tear gas shells and charged with batons at the agitators.
Hitting the streets in large numbers in support of the ongoing agitation by their community members in Rajasthan demanding Scheduled Tribe status, the Gujjar protestors set afire a Haryana Roadways bus in Panipat and blocked movement of rail and vehicles in the national capital.
In Delhi, police lobbed teargas to dispers stone-pelting Gujjars in Mehrauli area and incidents of violence also occurred at Aya Nagar, bordering Gurgaon.
Thousands of Gujjars took to the streets in the national capital and adjoining region, blocking roads and rail links to the city. Police took about 50 people into custody. The protesters staged demonstrations across the capital and squatted on railway tracks, blocking trains reaching the capital.
Vehicular movement on major stretches leading to the metropolis like the Delhi-Noida-Delhi (DND) Expressway, Mathura Road connecting Faridabad and Delhi and Mehrauli-Gurgoan road was affected as protesters set-up blockades and burnt tyres.
Anticipating trouble, Railways cancelled ten trains, including Nizamuddin-Kochi, Maharashtra SamparKranti, Nizamuddin-Udaipur and Dehradun-Bandra Express. More than 35,000 police personnel, including those from the central paramilitary forces, were deployed in Delhi and surrounding areas, particularly in Gujjar-dominated areas.
Rail traffic between Aligarh and Ghaziabad was affected as a large number of protesters blocked a train in Loni in adjoining Ghaziabad on Thursday morning. The situation, however, returned to normalcy across the NCR by afternoon. However, tension continued at the village in Panipat where two persons were killed, prompting the authorities to deploy police in strength amidst fear that the situation may again turn volatile when the dead are cremated.
Responding to a call given by Gujjar Sangharsh Samiti, hundreds of Gujjars torched an effigy of Rajasthan Chief Minister Vasundhra Raje in Sirsa and Panchkula and raised slogans against her government. Similar protests were held at many places in Gurgaon and Rewari districts.
© Copyright 2008 HT Media Ltd. All rights reserved.
Monday, May 26, 2008
Theologians Worry Indian Church Deviating From Original Christian Mission
11 May 2008
[Permalink] Theologians Worry Indian Church Deviating From Original Christian Mission
ALUVA - Some theologians in India have expressed concern that the Church is deviating from its original Christian mission by neglecting the poor and needy in the country.
Such concerns and regrets were heard at the recent annual meeting of the Indian Theological Association.
Father M.K. George, an educator, presented a paper in which he regretted that Christian educational institutions are "increasingly focusing on cities (and) neglecting the village poor."
Of late the Church in India shows an interest in professional and higher education that demands higher investments and involvement, said the professor of a Jesuit college in Kerala state.
Church's Engagement in Civil Society: A New Way of Being Christian Today was the theme of the meeting held in Kerala at Aluva seminary. The 64 theologians who attended included five laypeople and seven nuns.
Father George says managing institutions for higher education "has become a lucrative business," and Christian educational institutions have joined "in the rat race and are now in the vicious circle of an exploitative structure."
According to him, the Church has concentrated its services in recent years on urban residents and neglected villagers despite several Church documents pointing out that more than 70 percent of "people in need of our help" are in villages.
The Jesuit priest pointed out that "globalization and market economy" have driven up the cost of education and health services, making even government services unaffordable and inaccessible to poor villagers.
"In a world where market forces and the state are equally oppressive ... the Church has to find a new way of being Christian in India today," Father George said, calling for a revaluation of the way the Church conducts its educational mission.
Another speaker, Jesuit theologian Father Michael Amaladoss, regretted that Christians do not actively engage in civil society and their presence in social issues is minimal.
The priest based in Chennai, capital of neighboring Tamil Nadu state, presented a paper titled Theological reflections of new way of being Christians in India today. The Church started as a movement of people who sold possessions and shared what they had, he said, but later it became institutionalized and the institution took over the movement.
Father Amaladoss noted "confusion among the Church ranks whether the Church community exists to celebrate sacraments or the sacraments are a symbolic celebration of its life in the world."
Stressing the need for more active participation in civil society, he said the "time has come when we should think of making the Church community again a social movement."
According to him, the clergy claim not only spiritual power but also economic, social and political power within and outside India's Christian community, which accounts for just 2.3 percent of the country's more than 1 billion people.
They should realize their God-given authority is to serve and not for domination, he continued, calling for more lay participation in the Church.
"Laypeople are not mere listeners. They have the right and a duty to participate in the discernment and planning as well as in the action. If they do, then we can look forward to a new series of social teachings that are more practical and oriented to action in civil society, Father Amaladoss said.
The theologian recalled the Church suggested some social changes that did not even work within the Church. "The bishops declared some years ago that the caste system was sinful, but they have not launched any credible movement to abolish it even within the Church," he regretted.
Redemptorist Father Thomas Kocherry, who has led a movement of fisher folk in India for the past three decades, told SMC News the discussions were "part of soul searching" and he found them "meaningful and encouraging."
"We have to bring new dynamics in society and understand different realities surrounding us," he added. As one suggestion, he said the Church "should sensitize the community about environmental degradation along with moral degeneration."
[Permalink] Theologians Worry Indian Church Deviating From Original Christian Mission
ALUVA - Some theologians in India have expressed concern that the Church is deviating from its original Christian mission by neglecting the poor and needy in the country.
Such concerns and regrets were heard at the recent annual meeting of the Indian Theological Association.
Father M.K. George, an educator, presented a paper in which he regretted that Christian educational institutions are "increasingly focusing on cities (and) neglecting the village poor."
Of late the Church in India shows an interest in professional and higher education that demands higher investments and involvement, said the professor of a Jesuit college in Kerala state.
Church's Engagement in Civil Society: A New Way of Being Christian Today was the theme of the meeting held in Kerala at Aluva seminary. The 64 theologians who attended included five laypeople and seven nuns.
Father George says managing institutions for higher education "has become a lucrative business," and Christian educational institutions have joined "in the rat race and are now in the vicious circle of an exploitative structure."
According to him, the Church has concentrated its services in recent years on urban residents and neglected villagers despite several Church documents pointing out that more than 70 percent of "people in need of our help" are in villages.
The Jesuit priest pointed out that "globalization and market economy" have driven up the cost of education and health services, making even government services unaffordable and inaccessible to poor villagers.
"In a world where market forces and the state are equally oppressive ... the Church has to find a new way of being Christian in India today," Father George said, calling for a revaluation of the way the Church conducts its educational mission.
Another speaker, Jesuit theologian Father Michael Amaladoss, regretted that Christians do not actively engage in civil society and their presence in social issues is minimal.
The priest based in Chennai, capital of neighboring Tamil Nadu state, presented a paper titled Theological reflections of new way of being Christians in India today. The Church started as a movement of people who sold possessions and shared what they had, he said, but later it became institutionalized and the institution took over the movement.
Father Amaladoss noted "confusion among the Church ranks whether the Church community exists to celebrate sacraments or the sacraments are a symbolic celebration of its life in the world."
Stressing the need for more active participation in civil society, he said the "time has come when we should think of making the Church community again a social movement."
According to him, the clergy claim not only spiritual power but also economic, social and political power within and outside India's Christian community, which accounts for just 2.3 percent of the country's more than 1 billion people.
They should realize their God-given authority is to serve and not for domination, he continued, calling for more lay participation in the Church.
"Laypeople are not mere listeners. They have the right and a duty to participate in the discernment and planning as well as in the action. If they do, then we can look forward to a new series of social teachings that are more practical and oriented to action in civil society, Father Amaladoss said.
The theologian recalled the Church suggested some social changes that did not even work within the Church. "The bishops declared some years ago that the caste system was sinful, but they have not launched any credible movement to abolish it even within the Church," he regretted.
Redemptorist Father Thomas Kocherry, who has led a movement of fisher folk in India for the past three decades, told SMC News the discussions were "part of soul searching" and he found them "meaningful and encouraging."
"We have to bring new dynamics in society and understand different realities surrounding us," he added. As one suggestion, he said the Church "should sensitize the community about environmental degradation along with moral degeneration."
Wednesday, May 21, 2008
A bank for SC/ST needs
A bank exclusively to meet SC/ST needs?
22 May 2008, 0312 hrs IST,Mahendra Kumar Singh,TNN
NEW DELHI: The government is considering a proposal to set up a national bank for Scheduled Castes and Tribes to ensure "dedicated funding" for the disadvantaged groups.
The bank, likely to be established on the lines of National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development (Nabard), will finance economic activities of people belonging to SC/ST groups to uplift their standard of living.
This may be followed by dedicated banks for other socially weaker sections like OBCs, minorities, safai karamcharis and physically- challenged. Under the plan, the government intends to restructure all six national corporations for disadvantaged groups and turn them into full-fledged banks.
On Monday, the Planning Commission held a meeting with chairpersons and directors of the finance and development corporations working for these groups.
Plan panel member Bhalachandra Mungekar said, "There are systemic problems in the functioning of these corporations. The need is to infuse professionalism to ensure that disadvantaged groups get access to adequate credit."
However, Mungekar added, "These corporations are functioning to the best of their competence under the circumstances. The Planning Commission is considering how to turn them into professional organizations with a social purpose and in course of time, this issue will be discussed at a higher level."
Sources said the plan was to convert all six corporations for disadvantaged groups in a phased manner to national level banks which could raise capital from the market and provide special services to these groups on the pattern of Nabard. The move would also protect these organizations from political interference as defeated and retired politicians were often appointed as chairpersons, an official said.
Mungekar called the meeting to review the lending policy, coverage and recovery from beneficiaries and to find out alternate strategies to make these corporations more effective in their functioning. These corporations are generally funded by the central and state governments to ensure that beneficiaries get loans at lower interest rate as commercial banks have failed to fund this section of society.
But it has been noticed that functioning of these corporations were not up to the mark, considering financial inadequacy, dependent on central and state governments, poor recovery and lack of autonomy. The six national corporations were disbursing loans worth Rs 500 crore only every year and annual beneficiaries were just around 30,000.
22 May 2008, 0312 hrs IST,Mahendra Kumar Singh,TNN
NEW DELHI: The government is considering a proposal to set up a national bank for Scheduled Castes and Tribes to ensure "dedicated funding" for the disadvantaged groups.
The bank, likely to be established on the lines of National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development (Nabard), will finance economic activities of people belonging to SC/ST groups to uplift their standard of living.
This may be followed by dedicated banks for other socially weaker sections like OBCs, minorities, safai karamcharis and physically- challenged. Under the plan, the government intends to restructure all six national corporations for disadvantaged groups and turn them into full-fledged banks.
On Monday, the Planning Commission held a meeting with chairpersons and directors of the finance and development corporations working for these groups.
Plan panel member Bhalachandra Mungekar said, "There are systemic problems in the functioning of these corporations. The need is to infuse professionalism to ensure that disadvantaged groups get access to adequate credit."
However, Mungekar added, "These corporations are functioning to the best of their competence under the circumstances. The Planning Commission is considering how to turn them into professional organizations with a social purpose and in course of time, this issue will be discussed at a higher level."
Sources said the plan was to convert all six corporations for disadvantaged groups in a phased manner to national level banks which could raise capital from the market and provide special services to these groups on the pattern of Nabard. The move would also protect these organizations from political interference as defeated and retired politicians were often appointed as chairpersons, an official said.
Mungekar called the meeting to review the lending policy, coverage and recovery from beneficiaries and to find out alternate strategies to make these corporations more effective in their functioning. These corporations are generally funded by the central and state governments to ensure that beneficiaries get loans at lower interest rate as commercial banks have failed to fund this section of society.
But it has been noticed that functioning of these corporations were not up to the mark, considering financial inadequacy, dependent on central and state governments, poor recovery and lack of autonomy. The six national corporations were disbursing loans worth Rs 500 crore only every year and annual beneficiaries were just around 30,000.
Dalit leader demands Buddhist control over Bodh Gaya temple
Dalit leader demands Buddhist control over Bodh Gaya temple
Wed, May 21 05:02 PM
Patna, May 21 (IANS) Dalit leader and Republican Party of India (RPI) MP Ramdas Athavale has come out in support of monks demanding Buddhist control over the Mahabodhi temple in Bodh Gaya, Buddhism's holiest shrine.
'We strongly favour Buddhist control over the management of the Mahabodhi temple and to ensure it we seek an amendment to the Mahabodhi Temple Management Act, 1949,'' said Athavale, who is also president of the RPI-Athawale.
Athavale, who visited the temple at Bodh Gaya, about 110 km from here, told IANS over telephone Wednesday that he urged the Bihar government to initiate the process for an amendment to the law.
According to the law, the Bodh Gaya Temple Management Committee (BGTMC) should comprise four Buddhists and the same number of Hindu members for a three-year period with the Gaya district magistrate as its ex-officio chairman and the mahant or the presiding priest of the Sankaracharya Math (Saivite monastery in Bodh Gaya) as ex-officio Hindu member.
The state government nominates a Hindu as chairman when the district magistrate is a non-Hindu.
Athavale said there should be five Buddhist members in the BGTMC and three Hindu members and the clause about only district magistrate's religion should be removed.
The temple got a governing panel last week after a gap of eight months.
Various groups of Buddhist monks have been fighting for over a decade and a half seeking an amendment to the law so that management can be handed over to Buddhists.
The 1,500-year-old temple at Bodh Gaya, where the Buddha attained enlightenment 2,550 years ago, was declared a World Heritage Site in 2002 by Unesco.
Wed, May 21 05:02 PM
Patna, May 21 (IANS) Dalit leader and Republican Party of India (RPI) MP Ramdas Athavale has come out in support of monks demanding Buddhist control over the Mahabodhi temple in Bodh Gaya, Buddhism's holiest shrine.
'We strongly favour Buddhist control over the management of the Mahabodhi temple and to ensure it we seek an amendment to the Mahabodhi Temple Management Act, 1949,'' said Athavale, who is also president of the RPI-Athawale.
Athavale, who visited the temple at Bodh Gaya, about 110 km from here, told IANS over telephone Wednesday that he urged the Bihar government to initiate the process for an amendment to the law.
According to the law, the Bodh Gaya Temple Management Committee (BGTMC) should comprise four Buddhists and the same number of Hindu members for a three-year period with the Gaya district magistrate as its ex-officio chairman and the mahant or the presiding priest of the Sankaracharya Math (Saivite monastery in Bodh Gaya) as ex-officio Hindu member.
The state government nominates a Hindu as chairman when the district magistrate is a non-Hindu.
Athavale said there should be five Buddhist members in the BGTMC and three Hindu members and the clause about only district magistrate's religion should be removed.
The temple got a governing panel last week after a gap of eight months.
Various groups of Buddhist monks have been fighting for over a decade and a half seeking an amendment to the law so that management can be handed over to Buddhists.
The 1,500-year-old temple at Bodh Gaya, where the Buddha attained enlightenment 2,550 years ago, was declared a World Heritage Site in 2002 by Unesco.
Thursday, April 24, 2008
Rs 3.6 lakh spent to teach 2 kids-Chennai-Cities-The Times of India
Rs 3.6 lakh spent to teach 2 kids-Chennai-Cities-The Times of India
Rs 3.6 lakh spent to teach 2 kids
25 Apr 2008, 0349 hrs IST,V Mayilvaganan,TNN
Print Save EMail Write to Editor
The only two students at an elementary school
The only two students at the Adi Dravida Welfare Elementary School at Dharmanathapuram (TOI Photo)
TIRUCHI: S Antony Joshua and A Akash enjoy the privilege of an expensive elementary education. The two are neither rich nor are they studying in an elite school. It is just that they are the only two students in the Adi Dravida Welfare Elementary School at Dharmanathapuram in Tiruchi, which spent about Rs 3.6 lakh this academic year for their education.
While schools in the country are struggling to achieve an ideal teacher-student ratio of 1:20, this school has been functioning with two teachers and a 1: 1 ratio. In fact, it was worse last year, with only one girl attending the school. When A Padmini too left the school after passing fifth standard, head mistress Karupayi had to undertake door-to-door canvassing to enroll students. She could convince only two parents, who after much hesitation agreed to admit their wards.
Antony and Akash studying third and second standards respectively seem to enjoy the "school" thoroughly. One reason could be the absence of a cane. "I do not punish them for fear that they too might stop coming here," says Karupayi. There were even occasions when both the children play truant on the same day and the teachers get a break.
The six-decade-old school functioning in a single room once enjoyed the patronage of parents from far off villages like Sangiliandapuram and Khajamalai. More than 400 students had studied in the school then with seven teachers to take care of them. "That was the time when Adi Dravida students were not admitted into other schools. As more schools mushroomed in the locality and started enrolling Adi Dravida students, parents chose to admit their wards into them," says Karuppayi.
The enrollment started dwindling in the last few years after cracks appeared in the school building. Students too stopped coming to the school.
District collector T Soundiah said a report on the school was sent to the Directorate of Adi Dravida Welfare. In its reply in February 2008, the Directorate agreed that it was practically impossible to run the school with just two students. It suggested the two students be transferred to a nearby school, until land for a new school building was identified.
Rs 3.6 lakh spent to teach 2 kids
25 Apr 2008, 0349 hrs IST,V Mayilvaganan,TNN
Print Save EMail Write to Editor
The only two students at an elementary school
The only two students at the Adi Dravida Welfare Elementary School at Dharmanathapuram (TOI Photo)
TIRUCHI: S Antony Joshua and A Akash enjoy the privilege of an expensive elementary education. The two are neither rich nor are they studying in an elite school. It is just that they are the only two students in the Adi Dravida Welfare Elementary School at Dharmanathapuram in Tiruchi, which spent about Rs 3.6 lakh this academic year for their education.
While schools in the country are struggling to achieve an ideal teacher-student ratio of 1:20, this school has been functioning with two teachers and a 1: 1 ratio. In fact, it was worse last year, with only one girl attending the school. When A Padmini too left the school after passing fifth standard, head mistress Karupayi had to undertake door-to-door canvassing to enroll students. She could convince only two parents, who after much hesitation agreed to admit their wards.
Antony and Akash studying third and second standards respectively seem to enjoy the "school" thoroughly. One reason could be the absence of a cane. "I do not punish them for fear that they too might stop coming here," says Karupayi. There were even occasions when both the children play truant on the same day and the teachers get a break.
The six-decade-old school functioning in a single room once enjoyed the patronage of parents from far off villages like Sangiliandapuram and Khajamalai. More than 400 students had studied in the school then with seven teachers to take care of them. "That was the time when Adi Dravida students were not admitted into other schools. As more schools mushroomed in the locality and started enrolling Adi Dravida students, parents chose to admit their wards into them," says Karuppayi.
The enrollment started dwindling in the last few years after cracks appeared in the school building. Students too stopped coming to the school.
District collector T Soundiah said a report on the school was sent to the Directorate of Adi Dravida Welfare. In its reply in February 2008, the Directorate agreed that it was practically impossible to run the school with just two students. It suggested the two students be transferred to a nearby school, until land for a new school building was identified.
Sunday, April 13, 2008
Ambedkar
B R Ambedkar
Life and Mission
By Dhananjay KeerCourtesy & Copyright Popular Prakashan
For those of us born after 1950 Dr Ambedkar is mostly remembered to as the Father of the Indian Constitution. He is also referred to as the Savior of the Depressed Classes called Dalits today. I had always wanted to read about him but the man aroused me after I read his book'Thoughts on Pakistan'. His style is well researched, simple, straight possibly blunt. He came across as a very well read person whose thoughts are based on sound logic & matter that he had read sometime or the other. After completing the book I was in awe of the man's intellect. Where did this Man come from? Why do the depressed classes worship him today? What were the problems that he had to undergo? Why did become a Buddhist? What were his views on Ahimsa? Not knowing whether any book would satisfy my quest for knowledge I went to my favorite bookshop at the Bhartiya Vidya Bhavan & was fortunate to find a book by D Keer. Having read Life Story of Veer Savarkar by the same author I instinctively knew that this was the book. Dr Ambedkar is referred to as BRA & Depressed Classes as DC henceforth.
How have I compiled this piece? Done a précis of the book taking the most important events in BRA's life. Focused on the problems faced by him, his achievements, dual with Gandhi, role in India's Independence movement & framing India's Constitution, reasons for embracing Buddhism. The book also has extensive quotations from historic interviews & inspiring speeches. Have ignored aspects of Partition that are covered in essays on Patel & Savarkar. My comments start by saying Friends.
Excerpts from Preface by the Author 16/5/1954 "BRA has played the part of destiny in the liberation of suppressed humanity in India. So India must learn to understand his life, character and mission & know him as he is & not as he is distorted by his enemies or deified by his devotees. In order to help readers see the development of his mind and understand the bitterness and violence with which he attacked the old views & values that had defaced a part of humanity in this land, I have traced the events & facts in their proper context and perspective & dealt with the views of his great contemporaries with whom he came into clash. In doing so I have not remotest idea of his belittling his greatness. Every great man has his minor foibles and flaws and when he moves & struggles in a particular field, he comes into conflict with the great ones in that field". Friends hope that my précis is up to the mark, if not apologies in advance.
This piece is dedicated to Valmiki, Veda Vyasa, Sant Tukaram, Mahatma Phule, Veer Savarkar, Swami Dayanand Saraswati and lastly to the author Dhananjay Keer. He attained eminence as a biographer, in recognition of which The Govt of India conferred on him the honor of Padma Bhushan. Great Guy. This piece is divided into 27 chapters as they appear in the book.
Chapters
1.
2500 years.
Origin of untouchability, British attitude, socio-political situation in Maharashtra.
2.
Childhood & Youth
BRA's family, early education & childhood.
3.
Self-Development.
Education in U.S.A., early activism, back to London.
4.
Man of the Hour
Law practice, BRA/Gandhi/Savarkar, Organizes DC.
5.
Up Against Slavery
Mahad fight - taking water from well, Role in Bombay Legislative Council.
6.
Declaration of Independence
BRA on violence, historic Mahad conference, BRA/Gandhi/Savarkar compared.
7.
The Morning Star
Comments on Bhakti Movement, Simon Commission, Rising Star.
8.
Land, Labor, Education
Fight for education or political rights, textile strike.
9.
Before the Bar
Temple entry into Nasik, Ist R.T. Conference.
10.
War with Gandhi
Meeting with Gandhi, 2nd R.T.C., Gandhi/BRA tussel.
11.
Truce
On Gandhi, separate electorates, Gandhi BRA pact.
12.
The Real Path
Muslim approach, temple entry controversy & Constitution committee.
13.
A Thunderbolt.
Health, ready to embrace another religion, why BRA would not adopt Islam.
14.
Verdict on Hinduism.
BRA on varna & embracing Sikhism.
15.
A New Party.
Starts a new party, elections of 1937.
16.
Labor Leader
Role, why BRA did not want to adopt Christianity, noble words, comments on Gandhi.
17.
On Federation & Pakistan
Challenges Congress, compares times of Ranade & Gandhi, Sri Aurobindo's words on Gandhi/Congress, World War 2, Thoughts on Pakistan.
18.
From Dust to Doyen
Mahar battalion, Cripps Mission, BRA grows in stature.
19.
Labor Member
Super speeches, work for labor cause, BRA routed in elections.
20.
Spell on Constituent Assembly
Dispute with Congress, depressed + great speeches.
21
Modern Manu
Results of partition, constitution work, BRA praised.
22.
Shadow of Buddhism.
Increasing popularity, back to Buddhism.
23.
Back to the Opposition.
Hindu code bill, resigns, defeated in elections, conferred doctorate.
24.
Govt on the Anvil
No linguistic states, on foreign policy.
25.
Old Age
What did BRA achieve, contribution to Hinduism, knowing BRA the man.
26.
Revival of Buddhism
Promoting Buddhism, thoughts on Buddhism and BRA converts. (a Must Read).
27.
The Last Journey
End / Tributes / Thoughts.
Next
Life and Mission
By Dhananjay KeerCourtesy & Copyright Popular Prakashan
For those of us born after 1950 Dr Ambedkar is mostly remembered to as the Father of the Indian Constitution. He is also referred to as the Savior of the Depressed Classes called Dalits today. I had always wanted to read about him but the man aroused me after I read his book'Thoughts on Pakistan'. His style is well researched, simple, straight possibly blunt. He came across as a very well read person whose thoughts are based on sound logic & matter that he had read sometime or the other. After completing the book I was in awe of the man's intellect. Where did this Man come from? Why do the depressed classes worship him today? What were the problems that he had to undergo? Why did become a Buddhist? What were his views on Ahimsa? Not knowing whether any book would satisfy my quest for knowledge I went to my favorite bookshop at the Bhartiya Vidya Bhavan & was fortunate to find a book by D Keer. Having read Life Story of Veer Savarkar by the same author I instinctively knew that this was the book. Dr Ambedkar is referred to as BRA & Depressed Classes as DC henceforth.
How have I compiled this piece? Done a précis of the book taking the most important events in BRA's life. Focused on the problems faced by him, his achievements, dual with Gandhi, role in India's Independence movement & framing India's Constitution, reasons for embracing Buddhism. The book also has extensive quotations from historic interviews & inspiring speeches. Have ignored aspects of Partition that are covered in essays on Patel & Savarkar. My comments start by saying Friends.
Excerpts from Preface by the Author 16/5/1954 "BRA has played the part of destiny in the liberation of suppressed humanity in India. So India must learn to understand his life, character and mission & know him as he is & not as he is distorted by his enemies or deified by his devotees. In order to help readers see the development of his mind and understand the bitterness and violence with which he attacked the old views & values that had defaced a part of humanity in this land, I have traced the events & facts in their proper context and perspective & dealt with the views of his great contemporaries with whom he came into clash. In doing so I have not remotest idea of his belittling his greatness. Every great man has his minor foibles and flaws and when he moves & struggles in a particular field, he comes into conflict with the great ones in that field". Friends hope that my précis is up to the mark, if not apologies in advance.
This piece is dedicated to Valmiki, Veda Vyasa, Sant Tukaram, Mahatma Phule, Veer Savarkar, Swami Dayanand Saraswati and lastly to the author Dhananjay Keer. He attained eminence as a biographer, in recognition of which The Govt of India conferred on him the honor of Padma Bhushan. Great Guy. This piece is divided into 27 chapters as they appear in the book.
Chapters
1.
2500 years.
Origin of untouchability, British attitude, socio-political situation in Maharashtra.
2.
Childhood & Youth
BRA's family, early education & childhood.
3.
Self-Development.
Education in U.S.A., early activism, back to London.
4.
Man of the Hour
Law practice, BRA/Gandhi/Savarkar, Organizes DC.
5.
Up Against Slavery
Mahad fight - taking water from well, Role in Bombay Legislative Council.
6.
Declaration of Independence
BRA on violence, historic Mahad conference, BRA/Gandhi/Savarkar compared.
7.
The Morning Star
Comments on Bhakti Movement, Simon Commission, Rising Star.
8.
Land, Labor, Education
Fight for education or political rights, textile strike.
9.
Before the Bar
Temple entry into Nasik, Ist R.T. Conference.
10.
War with Gandhi
Meeting with Gandhi, 2nd R.T.C., Gandhi/BRA tussel.
11.
Truce
On Gandhi, separate electorates, Gandhi BRA pact.
12.
The Real Path
Muslim approach, temple entry controversy & Constitution committee.
13.
A Thunderbolt.
Health, ready to embrace another religion, why BRA would not adopt Islam.
14.
Verdict on Hinduism.
BRA on varna & embracing Sikhism.
15.
A New Party.
Starts a new party, elections of 1937.
16.
Labor Leader
Role, why BRA did not want to adopt Christianity, noble words, comments on Gandhi.
17.
On Federation & Pakistan
Challenges Congress, compares times of Ranade & Gandhi, Sri Aurobindo's words on Gandhi/Congress, World War 2, Thoughts on Pakistan.
18.
From Dust to Doyen
Mahar battalion, Cripps Mission, BRA grows in stature.
19.
Labor Member
Super speeches, work for labor cause, BRA routed in elections.
20.
Spell on Constituent Assembly
Dispute with Congress, depressed + great speeches.
21
Modern Manu
Results of partition, constitution work, BRA praised.
22.
Shadow of Buddhism.
Increasing popularity, back to Buddhism.
23.
Back to the Opposition.
Hindu code bill, resigns, defeated in elections, conferred doctorate.
24.
Govt on the Anvil
No linguistic states, on foreign policy.
25.
Old Age
What did BRA achieve, contribution to Hinduism, knowing BRA the man.
26.
Revival of Buddhism
Promoting Buddhism, thoughts on Buddhism and BRA converts. (a Must Read).
27.
The Last Journey
End / Tributes / Thoughts.
Next
1,000 Dalit Christians to reconvert to Hinduism in TN-India-The Times of India
1,000 Dalit Christians to reconvert to Hinduism in TN-India-The Times of India
 | ||||||||||||||||||||||
13 Apr 2008, 0215 hrs IST  ,T S SREENIVASA RAGHAVAN,TNN
| ||||||||||||||||||||||
Sunday, March 16, 2008
War on Ramaya ABVP vs Delhi university
Frontline
Volume 25 - Issue 06 :: Mar. 15-28, 2008
INDIA'S NATIONAL MAGAZINE
from the publishers of THE HINDU • Contents
Printer Friendly Page Send this Article to a Friend
CONTROVERSY
Crying wolf
T.K. RAJALAKSHMI
in New Delhi
ABVP activists protest against the inclusion of an essay on different tellings of the Ramayana in Delhi University syllabus.
S.Z.H. Jafri, who took over as Head of the Department of History in July 2007.
In India, controversies around history and literature have a way of surfacing from time to time. This time an essay on the Ramayana by the historian, poet and litterateur A.K. Ramanujan has evoked violent reactions among members of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) and other Sangh Parivar affiliates. The essay is part of a reading list recommended in a concurrent course (Culture in India: Ancient) for B.A. (Honours) students in the University of Delhi. On February 25, ABVP activists, who have been demanding the withdrawal of the essay on the grounds that it hurt Hindu sentiments by portraying Rama and other characters in the Ramayana disrespectfully, vandalised the Department of History, located in the Faculty of Social Sciences building, and assaulted the head of the department, S.Z.H. Jafri.
It appears that the protest was not as much against the characters in the various Ramayanas by the late Padma Shri recipient than against someone who could be an easy target. The protesters insisted, erroneously, that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s daughter, Upinder Singh, Professor of History at the university, was the author of a “compilation” that included Ramanujan’s essay.
However, they were wrong on three counts. First, the reading was not part of a compilation as alleged. Second, it had no single author. And third, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance government at the Centre had honoured Ramanujan and, hence, there was little reason for the ABVP, the party’s student wing, to cry foul.
Interestingly, another “nationalist” outfit, the Shiksha Bachao Andolan Samiti, which spearheaded a campaign against the national Adolescence Education Programme and National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) books last year, has lent its support to the ABVP. The campaign had the backing of Murli Manohar Joshi, former Union Minister for Human Resource Development. The Samiti’s website describes itself as a forum of nationalist historians committed to protecting the country against conspiratorial forces represented by the followers of Marx and Wahabism. In 2006, the Samiti demanded that all references to Tipu Sultan be dropped from history textbooks, a demand that was reiterated by the Karnataka Minister for Higher Education D.H. Shankaramurthy.
Ramanujan’s essay titled “Three Hundred Ramayanas: Five Examples and Three Thoughts on Translation” illustrates the myriad “tellings” of the story of Rama. The author uses the term “tellings” as opposed to variant or versions, arguing that the latter conveyed the impression that there was an invariant, an original text, usually Valmiki’s Sanskrit Ramayana, which he says is the oldest and the most prestigious of them all. There is no implicit or explicit denigration here of the widely read Valmiki Ramayana.
Interestingly, the concurrent course – for which the reading list has been recommended – was cleared three years ago in 2005 and Ramanujan’s essay became part of classroom teaching in 2006. The concurrent courses were themselves introduced in the university after a felt need that more of inter-disciplinary pedagogy, of a serious nature, was required at the undergraduate level. These courses replaced the earlier light-weight subsidiary subjects that had become more or less meaningless over time with both students and teachers not taking them seriously.
It is not the first time that the history department has been under attack. In 1981, there was a concerted demand by teachers owing allegiance to both the Congress and the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) that R.P. Dutt’s India Today and A.R. Desai’s Social Background of Indian Nationalism be dropped from the History syllabus, which was undergoing revision. R.L. Shukla, the then head of the department and who has been following the current controversy, told Frontline that the department had followed the procedure at every level to discuss the matter at the Departmental Council, the Committee of Courses and the Academic Council. Even though the Academic Council could not reach a consensus on the issue, the department was unanimous that the books would be retained. Shukla said the opposition to the inclusion of the two books in the syllabus came from a section of the teaching community feeling that the Department of History was full of “communist” teachers and that it was a “communist syllabus”. The current controversy has its origins with Jafri assuming office in July 2007. A few months after he took over, in December, the department was in the limelight for hosting the prestigious Indian History Congress after an interregnum of 46 years. The furore over the essay gathered momentum soon after.
In mid-January, Jafri received two complaints in the form of memorandums that had been forwarded to him from the Vice-Chancellor’s office. Both letters, one by an organisation called the National Awareness Forum and the other by an outfit called Gyan Parishad, raised objections to the inclusion of the said essay in the course and certain terms used in the essay. A few days later, Jafri called a meeting and, as per convention, discussed threadbare the issues relating to the complaint against the department.
On January 21, the department sent a note to the Dean of College explaining its stand and the rationale behind the course and the essay. It said the course on culture in ancient India was designed to create an awareness and understanding in students of the rich and diverse cultural heritage of ancient India. Apart from Ramanujan’s much celebrated essay, the course included readings on Kalidasa’s poetry, Jataka stories, ancient iconography, ancient Tamil poetry and the modern history of ancient artefacts. The note clarified that the terms that had apparently caused offence to the writers of the letter need not be construed as mischievous or slanderous; that literature and art of all cultures and countries contained material that could offend individual tastes and sensibilities and that there was no question of intending or attempting to denigrate or hurt the sentiments of any religion, tradition or community.
Jafri and his colleague B.P. Sahu said the framing of the concurrent course was put through the same procedure as all the other courses; the readings had not been compiled by any individual academician or scholar as alleged by the protesters. The process itself was transparent, having evolved and been vetted at every stage beginning from the department to statutory bodies such as the Committee of Courses, the Academic Council and the Executive Council. The note said: “In conclusion, this course has gone through all the due administrative procedures and the readings have been all approved by the relevant bodies. We see no reason to drop it from our reading list.”
The university authorities seemed satisfied by this explanation. But on January 29, the ABVP staged a rally and submitted a memorandum to the Vice-Chancellor demanding the withdrawal of the essay. This time, its members alleged that Upinder Singh had compiled the text in which the reading was present. It transpired that a spiral-bound collection of photocopies of individual articles and excerpts relating to the course with a covering page containing Upinder Singh’s name was mysteriously being circulated. Sections of the media also carried erroneous reports regarding the authorship of the said compilation without verifying the facts with the Department of History.
SUSHIL KUMAR VERMA
A protest by ABVP activists in New Delhi on February 28.
The essay was taken from a volume Many Ramayanas: The Diversity of a Narrative Tradition in South Asia (New Delhi, 1992) edited by Paula Richman. In fact, the syllabus for the course had two other readings by Ramanujan: The Interior Landscape: Love Poems from a Classical Tamil Anthology (Bloomington and London, 1975) and the introduction of Folk Tales from India: A Selection of Oral Tales from Twenty-Two Languages (New York, 1991).
Faced with a piquant situation, the department met again on February 4 and prepared a second note, which reiterated its earlier position. This time it clarified that there was no “compiler” of any textbook; in fact, there was no book at all. This note was sent to the Vice-Chancellor. On February 25, accompanied by a host of mediapersons, mainly from the electronic media, a group of ABVP activists descended on the history department. “Initially they were peaceful. They said they wanted to submit a memorandum. And then they insisted that whatever they had to say would be in front of the media,” said Jafri.
Moments after the television cameras started rolling, the activists began throwing furniture around and roughing up Jafri. They asked for Upinder Singh and Sahu, quite oblivious of the fact that both of them were present in the building; Sahu was with Jafri at the time of the assault and Upinder Singh, who was later escorted out by her security, was taking class in one of the adjoining rooms. It was clear that the activists were not students of the history department; they could hardly identify the teachers present in the department, except Jafri, lending credence to the theory that there were outsiders present during the incident.
The police arrested three ABVP activists. Ironically, the footage of the incident helped them identify those who indulged in rioting and assault.
The Students Federation of India, other student fronts and teacher organisations held demonstrations the next day demanding the arrest of those guilty of attacking the teachers in the history department. On February 28, students and teachers cutting across disciplines submitted a memorandum to the University Academic Council, which was in session, demanding that Ramanujan’s essay should not be withdrawn under any circumstance.
The essay has a very interesting beginning: “How many Ramayanas? Three hundred? Three thousand? At the end of some Ramayanas, a question is sometimes asked. How many Ramayanas have been there? And there are stories that answer the question. Here is one.” The first story sets the pace for the rest of the essay, which is about the various versions of the Ramayana in South and South-East Asia. Ramanujan writes that “just the list of languages where the Rama story is found makes one gasp”.
He lists 22 languages from South and South-East Asia itself. Through his essay, Ramanujan strives to sort out, as he says, how the hundreds of tellings of a story found in different cultures, languages and religious traditions related to each other, got translated, transplanted and transposed. So, there are two versions of the Ahalya story, one by Kamban’s Iramavataram (The Incarnation of Rama) and the other by Valmiki.
There is a Santhal version of the Rama story, a Jain version where Rama does not kill Ravana, and a Thai telling, all different from one another. There is also a telling in Kannada, an oral tradition, where the narrator is an untouchable bard. In this version, Ravana is Ravula and Sita is born out of him. Ramanujan says that the motif of Sita as Ravana’s daughter appears elsewhere in one tradition of Jain stories, in the folk traditions in Kannada and Telugu, as well as in several South-East Asian Ramayanas.
Ramanujan’s essay should stay. If anything, it is an example of the cultural diversity and homogeneity of cultural expression that exists today, a phenomenon which is under attack by those who purport to be the custodians of Indian culture and tradition. •
Printer friendly page
Send this article to Friends by E-Mail
Subscribe | Contact Us | Archives | Contents
(Letters to the Editor should carry the full postal address) Home | The Hindu | Business Line | Sportstar | Publications | eBooks | Images Copyright © 2008, Frontline.
Republication or redissemination of the contents of this screen are expressly prohibited
without the written consent of Frontline
Volume 25 - Issue 06 :: Mar. 15-28, 2008
INDIA'S NATIONAL MAGAZINE
from the publishers of THE HINDU • Contents
Printer Friendly Page Send this Article to a Friend
CONTROVERSY
Crying wolf
T.K. RAJALAKSHMI
in New Delhi
ABVP activists protest against the inclusion of an essay on different tellings of the Ramayana in Delhi University syllabus.
S.Z.H. Jafri, who took over as Head of the Department of History in July 2007.
In India, controversies around history and literature have a way of surfacing from time to time. This time an essay on the Ramayana by the historian, poet and litterateur A.K. Ramanujan has evoked violent reactions among members of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) and other Sangh Parivar affiliates. The essay is part of a reading list recommended in a concurrent course (Culture in India: Ancient) for B.A. (Honours) students in the University of Delhi. On February 25, ABVP activists, who have been demanding the withdrawal of the essay on the grounds that it hurt Hindu sentiments by portraying Rama and other characters in the Ramayana disrespectfully, vandalised the Department of History, located in the Faculty of Social Sciences building, and assaulted the head of the department, S.Z.H. Jafri.
It appears that the protest was not as much against the characters in the various Ramayanas by the late Padma Shri recipient than against someone who could be an easy target. The protesters insisted, erroneously, that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s daughter, Upinder Singh, Professor of History at the university, was the author of a “compilation” that included Ramanujan’s essay.
However, they were wrong on three counts. First, the reading was not part of a compilation as alleged. Second, it had no single author. And third, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance government at the Centre had honoured Ramanujan and, hence, there was little reason for the ABVP, the party’s student wing, to cry foul.
Interestingly, another “nationalist” outfit, the Shiksha Bachao Andolan Samiti, which spearheaded a campaign against the national Adolescence Education Programme and National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) books last year, has lent its support to the ABVP. The campaign had the backing of Murli Manohar Joshi, former Union Minister for Human Resource Development. The Samiti’s website describes itself as a forum of nationalist historians committed to protecting the country against conspiratorial forces represented by the followers of Marx and Wahabism. In 2006, the Samiti demanded that all references to Tipu Sultan be dropped from history textbooks, a demand that was reiterated by the Karnataka Minister for Higher Education D.H. Shankaramurthy.
Ramanujan’s essay titled “Three Hundred Ramayanas: Five Examples and Three Thoughts on Translation” illustrates the myriad “tellings” of the story of Rama. The author uses the term “tellings” as opposed to variant or versions, arguing that the latter conveyed the impression that there was an invariant, an original text, usually Valmiki’s Sanskrit Ramayana, which he says is the oldest and the most prestigious of them all. There is no implicit or explicit denigration here of the widely read Valmiki Ramayana.
Interestingly, the concurrent course – for which the reading list has been recommended – was cleared three years ago in 2005 and Ramanujan’s essay became part of classroom teaching in 2006. The concurrent courses were themselves introduced in the university after a felt need that more of inter-disciplinary pedagogy, of a serious nature, was required at the undergraduate level. These courses replaced the earlier light-weight subsidiary subjects that had become more or less meaningless over time with both students and teachers not taking them seriously.
It is not the first time that the history department has been under attack. In 1981, there was a concerted demand by teachers owing allegiance to both the Congress and the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) that R.P. Dutt’s India Today and A.R. Desai’s Social Background of Indian Nationalism be dropped from the History syllabus, which was undergoing revision. R.L. Shukla, the then head of the department and who has been following the current controversy, told Frontline that the department had followed the procedure at every level to discuss the matter at the Departmental Council, the Committee of Courses and the Academic Council. Even though the Academic Council could not reach a consensus on the issue, the department was unanimous that the books would be retained. Shukla said the opposition to the inclusion of the two books in the syllabus came from a section of the teaching community feeling that the Department of History was full of “communist” teachers and that it was a “communist syllabus”. The current controversy has its origins with Jafri assuming office in July 2007. A few months after he took over, in December, the department was in the limelight for hosting the prestigious Indian History Congress after an interregnum of 46 years. The furore over the essay gathered momentum soon after.
In mid-January, Jafri received two complaints in the form of memorandums that had been forwarded to him from the Vice-Chancellor’s office. Both letters, one by an organisation called the National Awareness Forum and the other by an outfit called Gyan Parishad, raised objections to the inclusion of the said essay in the course and certain terms used in the essay. A few days later, Jafri called a meeting and, as per convention, discussed threadbare the issues relating to the complaint against the department.
On January 21, the department sent a note to the Dean of College explaining its stand and the rationale behind the course and the essay. It said the course on culture in ancient India was designed to create an awareness and understanding in students of the rich and diverse cultural heritage of ancient India. Apart from Ramanujan’s much celebrated essay, the course included readings on Kalidasa’s poetry, Jataka stories, ancient iconography, ancient Tamil poetry and the modern history of ancient artefacts. The note clarified that the terms that had apparently caused offence to the writers of the letter need not be construed as mischievous or slanderous; that literature and art of all cultures and countries contained material that could offend individual tastes and sensibilities and that there was no question of intending or attempting to denigrate or hurt the sentiments of any religion, tradition or community.
Jafri and his colleague B.P. Sahu said the framing of the concurrent course was put through the same procedure as all the other courses; the readings had not been compiled by any individual academician or scholar as alleged by the protesters. The process itself was transparent, having evolved and been vetted at every stage beginning from the department to statutory bodies such as the Committee of Courses, the Academic Council and the Executive Council. The note said: “In conclusion, this course has gone through all the due administrative procedures and the readings have been all approved by the relevant bodies. We see no reason to drop it from our reading list.”
The university authorities seemed satisfied by this explanation. But on January 29, the ABVP staged a rally and submitted a memorandum to the Vice-Chancellor demanding the withdrawal of the essay. This time, its members alleged that Upinder Singh had compiled the text in which the reading was present. It transpired that a spiral-bound collection of photocopies of individual articles and excerpts relating to the course with a covering page containing Upinder Singh’s name was mysteriously being circulated. Sections of the media also carried erroneous reports regarding the authorship of the said compilation without verifying the facts with the Department of History.
SUSHIL KUMAR VERMA
A protest by ABVP activists in New Delhi on February 28.
The essay was taken from a volume Many Ramayanas: The Diversity of a Narrative Tradition in South Asia (New Delhi, 1992) edited by Paula Richman. In fact, the syllabus for the course had two other readings by Ramanujan: The Interior Landscape: Love Poems from a Classical Tamil Anthology (Bloomington and London, 1975) and the introduction of Folk Tales from India: A Selection of Oral Tales from Twenty-Two Languages (New York, 1991).
Faced with a piquant situation, the department met again on February 4 and prepared a second note, which reiterated its earlier position. This time it clarified that there was no “compiler” of any textbook; in fact, there was no book at all. This note was sent to the Vice-Chancellor. On February 25, accompanied by a host of mediapersons, mainly from the electronic media, a group of ABVP activists descended on the history department. “Initially they were peaceful. They said they wanted to submit a memorandum. And then they insisted that whatever they had to say would be in front of the media,” said Jafri.
Moments after the television cameras started rolling, the activists began throwing furniture around and roughing up Jafri. They asked for Upinder Singh and Sahu, quite oblivious of the fact that both of them were present in the building; Sahu was with Jafri at the time of the assault and Upinder Singh, who was later escorted out by her security, was taking class in one of the adjoining rooms. It was clear that the activists were not students of the history department; they could hardly identify the teachers present in the department, except Jafri, lending credence to the theory that there were outsiders present during the incident.
The police arrested three ABVP activists. Ironically, the footage of the incident helped them identify those who indulged in rioting and assault.
The Students Federation of India, other student fronts and teacher organisations held demonstrations the next day demanding the arrest of those guilty of attacking the teachers in the history department. On February 28, students and teachers cutting across disciplines submitted a memorandum to the University Academic Council, which was in session, demanding that Ramanujan’s essay should not be withdrawn under any circumstance.
The essay has a very interesting beginning: “How many Ramayanas? Three hundred? Three thousand? At the end of some Ramayanas, a question is sometimes asked. How many Ramayanas have been there? And there are stories that answer the question. Here is one.” The first story sets the pace for the rest of the essay, which is about the various versions of the Ramayana in South and South-East Asia. Ramanujan writes that “just the list of languages where the Rama story is found makes one gasp”.
He lists 22 languages from South and South-East Asia itself. Through his essay, Ramanujan strives to sort out, as he says, how the hundreds of tellings of a story found in different cultures, languages and religious traditions related to each other, got translated, transplanted and transposed. So, there are two versions of the Ahalya story, one by Kamban’s Iramavataram (The Incarnation of Rama) and the other by Valmiki.
There is a Santhal version of the Rama story, a Jain version where Rama does not kill Ravana, and a Thai telling, all different from one another. There is also a telling in Kannada, an oral tradition, where the narrator is an untouchable bard. In this version, Ravana is Ravula and Sita is born out of him. Ramanujan says that the motif of Sita as Ravana’s daughter appears elsewhere in one tradition of Jain stories, in the folk traditions in Kannada and Telugu, as well as in several South-East Asian Ramayanas.
Ramanujan’s essay should stay. If anything, it is an example of the cultural diversity and homogeneity of cultural expression that exists today, a phenomenon which is under attack by those who purport to be the custodians of Indian culture and tradition. •
Printer friendly page
Send this article to Friends by E-Mail
Subscribe | Contact Us | Archives | Contents
(Letters to the Editor should carry the full postal address) Home | The Hindu | Business Line | Sportstar | Publications | eBooks | Images Copyright © 2008, Frontline.
Republication or redissemination of the contents of this screen are expressly prohibited
without the written consent of Frontline
BBC NEWS | Americas | Profile: David Paterson
David Paterson
Mr Paterson became visually impaired as a young child
The downfall of New York's Governor Eliot Spitzer means the state will now have its first African-American governor.
David Paterson - who served as Mr Spitzer's Lieutenant Governor - will also be America's first visually-impaired governor.
He was born in 1954, the son of Basil Paterson, a former Deputy Mayor of New York and a powerful man on the state's political scene.
As a young child, following an infection, David Paterson became blind in his left eye and was left with very limited sight in his right.
He did not let his visual impairment block his academic progress, though, and he was admitted to Columbia University in New York, where he studied history, graduating in 1977, before attending Hofstra Law School.
He became a member of New York's state senate in 1985, and served as the Democrats' minority leader in the chamber from 2002 until 2006, when he stood for the post of Lieutenant Governor as Mr Spitzer's running mate.
At the time, commentators were puzzled by his decision to run for the largely ceremonial post.
He might be a fellow that when you have disagreements you sort them out
Jim Tedisco
Republican minority leader, New York state assembly
As minority leader in the state senate, Mr Paterson was in pole position to become majority leader in the event of a Democratic takeover - which, at least until news of Mr Spitzer's scandal broke, seemed likely to happen in November.
Mr Paterson's gamble now appears to have paid off, however, as he prepares to take over from Mr Spitzer as governor.
Mr Paterson is a prominent campaigner for the rights of the disabled, and successfully completed the New York marathon in 1999.
He lives in Harlem with his wife, Michelle Paige Paterson, his son Alex, 13, and Ashley, 19, his wife's daughter from a previous marriage.
'Gentle man'
Some people have remarked on the contrast between Mr Paterson and the fiery Mr Spitzer.
"He's got a wonderful sense of humour, a very gentle man - in that sense, he's the opposite of Eliot," Betsy Gotbaum, the New York City public ombudswoman told the New York Times.
With his state senate background, Mr Paterson is expected to have a less combative relationship with New York legislators than Mr Spitzer, who had difficulties getting the Republicans in the legislature to approve his policy programmes.
"[Mr Paterson] might be a fellow that when you have disagreements you sort them out," Jim Tedisco, the Republican minority leader in the state assembly, told Newsweek.
Now that Mr Spitzer has resigned, New York is about to find out whether Mr Paterson's less confrontational approach will allow him to succeed where Mr Spitzer could not.
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Mr Paterson became visually impaired as a young child
The downfall of New York's Governor Eliot Spitzer means the state will now have its first African-American governor.
David Paterson - who served as Mr Spitzer's Lieutenant Governor - will also be America's first visually-impaired governor.
He was born in 1954, the son of Basil Paterson, a former Deputy Mayor of New York and a powerful man on the state's political scene.
As a young child, following an infection, David Paterson became blind in his left eye and was left with very limited sight in his right.
He did not let his visual impairment block his academic progress, though, and he was admitted to Columbia University in New York, where he studied history, graduating in 1977, before attending Hofstra Law School.
He became a member of New York's state senate in 1985, and served as the Democrats' minority leader in the chamber from 2002 until 2006, when he stood for the post of Lieutenant Governor as Mr Spitzer's running mate.
At the time, commentators were puzzled by his decision to run for the largely ceremonial post.
He might be a fellow that when you have disagreements you sort them out
Jim Tedisco
Republican minority leader, New York state assembly
As minority leader in the state senate, Mr Paterson was in pole position to become majority leader in the event of a Democratic takeover - which, at least until news of Mr Spitzer's scandal broke, seemed likely to happen in November.
Mr Paterson's gamble now appears to have paid off, however, as he prepares to take over from Mr Spitzer as governor.
Mr Paterson is a prominent campaigner for the rights of the disabled, and successfully completed the New York marathon in 1999.
He lives in Harlem with his wife, Michelle Paige Paterson, his son Alex, 13, and Ashley, 19, his wife's daughter from a previous marriage.
'Gentle man'
Some people have remarked on the contrast between Mr Paterson and the fiery Mr Spitzer.
"He's got a wonderful sense of humour, a very gentle man - in that sense, he's the opposite of Eliot," Betsy Gotbaum, the New York City public ombudswoman told the New York Times.
With his state senate background, Mr Paterson is expected to have a less combative relationship with New York legislators than Mr Spitzer, who had difficulties getting the Republicans in the legislature to approve his policy programmes.
"[Mr Paterson] might be a fellow that when you have disagreements you sort them out," Jim Tedisco, the Republican minority leader in the state assembly, told Newsweek.
Now that Mr Spitzer has resigned, New York is about to find out whether Mr Paterson's less confrontational approach will allow him to succeed where Mr Spitzer could not.
E-mail this to a friend Printable version
Bookmark with:
* Delicious
* Digg
* StumbleUpon
Saturday, March 15, 2008
Need Of A Dalit Theology
Need Of A Dalit Theology
by James Massey*
Introduction
It is a well established fact that the Christians in India are divided in two main groups. First, a large percentage, more than 70% are the Dalit Christians and the remaining 30% are others, including upper caste (origin) Christians and Christians belonging to various Tribal communities. Another point is that the religious understanding of the Christian faith or the theology of the early missionaries was, and is partly responsible for the continuation of the present state of the Dalit Christians. But then the successor to the missionary theology namely the ‘Indian Christian theology’, which mainly originated from the background and experience of upper caste (origin) Christians is also not equally relevant or effective in bringing in change, or dealing with the problem of the Dalit Christians.
Therefore there is a need for another expression of theology, which will be relevant to the living situation of the vast majority of people in India, especially the Dalit Christians. During the last two decades, a few collections of essays either in the form of books or special issues of journals on the issue of Dalit Christians have appeared (either under the title theology or ideology), but these are not sufficient yet. Because these works mostly makes an analaysis of the past and present situations, except one essay of the Late Rev. A.P. Nirmal which has appeared with some revisions at least in four works under the title ‘Towards a Christian Dalit Theology.’ In this essay Nirmal has very briefly dealt with the question of God, Christology and the Holy Spirit from a Dalit perspective. A few other essays in the above collected work have also been included, which talk about the need of a Dalit Theology. Here in this brief essay, the need of a Dalit theological expression is being reaffirmed and the basic requirements of such a theological expression are discussed. This discussion is divided under the following two sub-heads:
Present Indian Christian Theology and the need of a Dalit theology.
Requirements for a Dalit theology expression.
a. Present Indian Christian Theology And The Need Of A Dalit Theology:
Daliton ko swatantrata pradan karun (to let the oppressed go free),8 said Jesus (Luke 4.18). In his first appearance in his village synagogue Jesus publicly announced his mission to the world, which included good news for dinon (poor), freedom for bandion (captives), sight for andhon (blind) and liberation for dalition (oppressed). This is what Luke has told in the New Testament. So the concern here is one of the concerns of Jesus’ whole mission which is now the mission of the Church, which includes every Christian in India and elsewhere.
The question about theology is equally closely related both to the Church and the Dalits. After all, what is theology? According to M.M. Thomas, "Living theology is the manner in which a church confesses its faith and establishes its historical existence in dialogue with its own environment." Here the phrase which needs consideration is ‘own environment.’ Now what is the environment in which the Indian Church lives? One answer to this question is that it is a multi-faith or a pluralistic environment. This is the reality to which up till now Indian Christians and others, as thinkers and converts, have tried to respond. Certain responses to this reality have given birth to a theology currently known as ‘Indian Christian theology’, which, however, is not really relevant to the living situations of the majority of the people. Because in simple terms any theology is the local expression of the experiences of the local people of their faith. As mentioned earlier, the majority of Christians come from the Dalit background. It is these people’s experiences, which is missing from the present Indian Christians theology. The reality of caste based society (or context or environment) is also ignored by the current Indian Christian theology, which makes it further irrelevant for the Dalits.
Looking at a standard text book on Indian Christian theology, one can say that the roots of the current Indian theological expression are in the experiences of mostly upper caste converts. Well known examples are: Brahmabandhab Upadhyara, from a Bengali Brahman family, Sadhu Sundar Singh from a high caste, wealthy Sikh Panjabi family, Nehemiah Gore, a Marathi Brahman, H.A. Krishna Pillai, a high caste Vaishnavite non-Brahman, Narayan Vaman Tilak, from a Brahman family, A.J. Appasamy, from a high caste Saivite family, P. Chenchiah, son of a prominent upper caste lawyer from Andhra, V. Chakkarai from the Chetty caste, a non-brahman upper caste in Tamilnadu, and so on.
Now if the above names are deleted from current the Indian Christian theology, then there will be nothing left behind. But the point which needs to be noted here is that these thinkers and their experiences and search were very different from that of an average Christian in India, because all of them came either from a high caste or their families were rich. So after they became Christians, their immediate concerns were not the same as thousands of those who became Christians, who were both poor and belonged to the lower strata of society (mostly Dalits). These high caste converts’ immediate concern was how they should relate or interpret their new faith or experiences in Indian thought forms, i.e., based on the Brahmanic religion and culture in which they had grown. Their major preoccupation was searching for an indigenous expression of Christianity, which forms an important element in Indian Christian theology. The Late Rev. Arvind P. Nirmal has stated this point very neatly in the essay mentioned above in these words:
To speak in terms of the traditional categories, Indian Christian Theology, following the Brahmanic tradition, has trodden the jnana marga, the bhakti marga, and the Karma marga. In Brahmabandhav Upadhyaya, we have a brilliant theologian who attempts a synthesis of Sankara’s Advita Vedanta and Christian Theology. In Bishop A.J. Appasamy, we had a bhakti margi theologian, who tried to synthesise Ramanuja’s Vishistha Advaita with Christian theology. In M.M. Thomas we see a theologian… who laid the foundation for a more active theological involvement in India-the Karma marga. In Chenchiah we find an attempt to sysnthesise Christian theology with Sir. Aurobindo’s ‘Integral Yoga.’
Thus the current or traditional Indian Christian theology, which is based upon the Brahmanic traditions of Hindu religions did not/does not address itself to or reflect the issues which the majority of the Christians faced either before or after they became Christians. It is because this expression of theology is based upon the religious traditions of the minority even among the Hindus, because Brahmans (priestly caste) represent 5.22 only of the total population of India. According to the Report of the Backward Classes Commission (1980), the Government of India the percentage distribution of Indian population by caste and religious groups is as follows:
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes: 22.56
Non-Hindu religious Groups: Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains: 16.16
Forward (upper) Hindu castes, Brahmans (5.22%),Rajputs, Marathas, Jats, Vaishyas and others: 17.58
Remaining Hindu in the category of Other Backward Classes (Sudras): 43.70
Total: 100.00
From the above percentages representing different backgrounds which include religious, social and economic, it is clear that the current Indian Christian theology in a way has ignored the life experiences of more than 80% of the Indian people, which includes the Dalit Christians (who form more than 70% of the Indian Church). The majority of these Dalit Christians live in rural areas and are landless people. Their main livelihood mean is from working in the fields of others belonging to upper castes/classes. Therefore the Dalit Christians’ concern have not been to search for an Indian expression of their new faith. In fact, in this they are more indigenous than any of the urbanised Christians. What these village Dalit Christians have to serach for is their daily bread, how to overcome their life situation of oppression, poverty, suffering, injustice, illiteracy, and denial of identity. But the above Indian Christian theology has failed them, and continues to ignore these issues, which for the majority of Christians and most other Indians are questions of survival. Here the main point is not of the rejection of the current expression of Indian Christian theology or its usefulness: All that is emphasised is that there is a need to work out another expression of Indian Christian theology which would be relevant to the living situation of the vast majority of people of India, particularly the Dalits, based upon the living experiences of the Dalits themselves.
(b) Requirements For A Dalit Theology:
There are three main requirements for the formation of a living form of theology: life context, history and language. Indirect references have already been made in the previous section to the first requirement i.e., context, which in the case of Dalit theology has to be the Dalit context, which is a living reality in Indian society, including in the Church or among the Christians.
The second requirement is important for any theology that is the history of the people. For example, for the Indian Christian theology, there is a need of a history of the Indian Church or Christianity. Up to now the Church history written in India is basically the history of western Christian missions. Indian Church history till now has been an appendage (in the words of M.M. Thomas) to this history. The same has been true of Indian Christian theology. It is interesting to find that one of the first text books, for theological students on Indian Christians theology was written by a missionary, with the sub-title ‘A Theology for India’ it is instruction oriented. Missionary friends of the Indian Christians still have to tell them what they need to do in their own context. Indian Christians still have to write their own history from their own point of view (which has to be an independent story) and which will narrate how the Indian Church has confessed its faith and how it has established its historical existence in its own living situation. This reality has to be the basis of Indian theology.
The same is true with the Dalit theology. This has to come out from the experiences of the Dalits themselves. It has to be based on the content of many living stories of the Dalits. It also means that the history of the Christian Dalits has to be prepared first.
The third important requirement is language. A report of the Commission of the Jesuits on ‘Formation and Inculturation’ in ‘India Today’ says: "For language, it is realized that it is not merely the medium of expression of communication, it is, in fact, the vehicle of culture as a whole." Many attempts have been made in this regard in the Indian Christian theology, but mostly in English. But as the Dalits here, represent the concern of the masses, therefore, Dalit theologians have to use the language of the masses (of Dalits), in the formation of the Dalit theology. This will be the most suitable way to maintain the originality of thought. This means that to begin with there will be more than one expressions for this theology, i.e., in Tamil, Bengali, Malayalam, Hindi, Punjabi, etc. This will be according to the definition of a living theology, references to which was made earlier that, "It is the local expression of the experiences of local people of their faith", and here it can also be added that to begin with it has to be in the ‘local language.’
Concluding Remarks
From the discussion of this essay the following points becomes clear:
One, the present or traditional Indian Christian theology is the outcome of the experiences of the upper caste Christian converts, whose immediate purpose was to interpret their new faith (religious experience) in the light of their previous faith of Brahamanic Hindu tradition, which was, and is a religion of a minority even within the Hindu traditions.
Two, because of the above reasons and others, the current Indian Christian theological expression is not relevant to the needs of the majority of the people, especially the Dalits, which also includes Dalit Christians.
Three, therefore there is need of another Indian Theological expression, which has to be based upon the experience of the ordinary people particularly the Dalits themselves, and this expression ultimately will be according to the needs of the Dalits, which means it will become the basis of the struggle to regain their lost identity and basic rights.
ABOUT CCA | CCA NEWS | PRESS | RESOURCES | HOME
Christian Conference of Asia
96 Pak Tin Village Area 2
Mei Tin Road, Shatin NT
Hong Kong SAR, CHINA
Tel: [852] 26911068 Fax: [852] 26923805
eMail: cca@cca.org.hk
ctc0104i
by James Massey*
Introduction
It is a well established fact that the Christians in India are divided in two main groups. First, a large percentage, more than 70% are the Dalit Christians and the remaining 30% are others, including upper caste (origin) Christians and Christians belonging to various Tribal communities. Another point is that the religious understanding of the Christian faith or the theology of the early missionaries was, and is partly responsible for the continuation of the present state of the Dalit Christians. But then the successor to the missionary theology namely the ‘Indian Christian theology’, which mainly originated from the background and experience of upper caste (origin) Christians is also not equally relevant or effective in bringing in change, or dealing with the problem of the Dalit Christians.
Therefore there is a need for another expression of theology, which will be relevant to the living situation of the vast majority of people in India, especially the Dalit Christians. During the last two decades, a few collections of essays either in the form of books or special issues of journals on the issue of Dalit Christians have appeared (either under the title theology or ideology), but these are not sufficient yet. Because these works mostly makes an analaysis of the past and present situations, except one essay of the Late Rev. A.P. Nirmal which has appeared with some revisions at least in four works under the title ‘Towards a Christian Dalit Theology.’ In this essay Nirmal has very briefly dealt with the question of God, Christology and the Holy Spirit from a Dalit perspective. A few other essays in the above collected work have also been included, which talk about the need of a Dalit Theology. Here in this brief essay, the need of a Dalit theological expression is being reaffirmed and the basic requirements of such a theological expression are discussed. This discussion is divided under the following two sub-heads:
Present Indian Christian Theology and the need of a Dalit theology.
Requirements for a Dalit theology expression.
a. Present Indian Christian Theology And The Need Of A Dalit Theology:
Daliton ko swatantrata pradan karun (to let the oppressed go free),8 said Jesus (Luke 4.18). In his first appearance in his village synagogue Jesus publicly announced his mission to the world, which included good news for dinon (poor), freedom for bandion (captives), sight for andhon (blind) and liberation for dalition (oppressed). This is what Luke has told in the New Testament. So the concern here is one of the concerns of Jesus’ whole mission which is now the mission of the Church, which includes every Christian in India and elsewhere.
The question about theology is equally closely related both to the Church and the Dalits. After all, what is theology? According to M.M. Thomas, "Living theology is the manner in which a church confesses its faith and establishes its historical existence in dialogue with its own environment." Here the phrase which needs consideration is ‘own environment.’ Now what is the environment in which the Indian Church lives? One answer to this question is that it is a multi-faith or a pluralistic environment. This is the reality to which up till now Indian Christians and others, as thinkers and converts, have tried to respond. Certain responses to this reality have given birth to a theology currently known as ‘Indian Christian theology’, which, however, is not really relevant to the living situations of the majority of the people. Because in simple terms any theology is the local expression of the experiences of the local people of their faith. As mentioned earlier, the majority of Christians come from the Dalit background. It is these people’s experiences, which is missing from the present Indian Christians theology. The reality of caste based society (or context or environment) is also ignored by the current Indian Christian theology, which makes it further irrelevant for the Dalits.
Looking at a standard text book on Indian Christian theology, one can say that the roots of the current Indian theological expression are in the experiences of mostly upper caste converts. Well known examples are: Brahmabandhab Upadhyara, from a Bengali Brahman family, Sadhu Sundar Singh from a high caste, wealthy Sikh Panjabi family, Nehemiah Gore, a Marathi Brahman, H.A. Krishna Pillai, a high caste Vaishnavite non-Brahman, Narayan Vaman Tilak, from a Brahman family, A.J. Appasamy, from a high caste Saivite family, P. Chenchiah, son of a prominent upper caste lawyer from Andhra, V. Chakkarai from the Chetty caste, a non-brahman upper caste in Tamilnadu, and so on.
Now if the above names are deleted from current the Indian Christian theology, then there will be nothing left behind. But the point which needs to be noted here is that these thinkers and their experiences and search were very different from that of an average Christian in India, because all of them came either from a high caste or their families were rich. So after they became Christians, their immediate concerns were not the same as thousands of those who became Christians, who were both poor and belonged to the lower strata of society (mostly Dalits). These high caste converts’ immediate concern was how they should relate or interpret their new faith or experiences in Indian thought forms, i.e., based on the Brahmanic religion and culture in which they had grown. Their major preoccupation was searching for an indigenous expression of Christianity, which forms an important element in Indian Christian theology. The Late Rev. Arvind P. Nirmal has stated this point very neatly in the essay mentioned above in these words:
To speak in terms of the traditional categories, Indian Christian Theology, following the Brahmanic tradition, has trodden the jnana marga, the bhakti marga, and the Karma marga. In Brahmabandhav Upadhyaya, we have a brilliant theologian who attempts a synthesis of Sankara’s Advita Vedanta and Christian Theology. In Bishop A.J. Appasamy, we had a bhakti margi theologian, who tried to synthesise Ramanuja’s Vishistha Advaita with Christian theology. In M.M. Thomas we see a theologian… who laid the foundation for a more active theological involvement in India-the Karma marga. In Chenchiah we find an attempt to sysnthesise Christian theology with Sir. Aurobindo’s ‘Integral Yoga.’
Thus the current or traditional Indian Christian theology, which is based upon the Brahmanic traditions of Hindu religions did not/does not address itself to or reflect the issues which the majority of the Christians faced either before or after they became Christians. It is because this expression of theology is based upon the religious traditions of the minority even among the Hindus, because Brahmans (priestly caste) represent 5.22 only of the total population of India. According to the Report of the Backward Classes Commission (1980), the Government of India the percentage distribution of Indian population by caste and religious groups is as follows:
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes: 22.56
Non-Hindu religious Groups: Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains: 16.16
Forward (upper) Hindu castes, Brahmans (5.22%),Rajputs, Marathas, Jats, Vaishyas and others: 17.58
Remaining Hindu in the category of Other Backward Classes (Sudras): 43.70
Total: 100.00
From the above percentages representing different backgrounds which include religious, social and economic, it is clear that the current Indian Christian theology in a way has ignored the life experiences of more than 80% of the Indian people, which includes the Dalit Christians (who form more than 70% of the Indian Church). The majority of these Dalit Christians live in rural areas and are landless people. Their main livelihood mean is from working in the fields of others belonging to upper castes/classes. Therefore the Dalit Christians’ concern have not been to search for an Indian expression of their new faith. In fact, in this they are more indigenous than any of the urbanised Christians. What these village Dalit Christians have to serach for is their daily bread, how to overcome their life situation of oppression, poverty, suffering, injustice, illiteracy, and denial of identity. But the above Indian Christian theology has failed them, and continues to ignore these issues, which for the majority of Christians and most other Indians are questions of survival. Here the main point is not of the rejection of the current expression of Indian Christian theology or its usefulness: All that is emphasised is that there is a need to work out another expression of Indian Christian theology which would be relevant to the living situation of the vast majority of people of India, particularly the Dalits, based upon the living experiences of the Dalits themselves.
(b) Requirements For A Dalit Theology:
There are three main requirements for the formation of a living form of theology: life context, history and language. Indirect references have already been made in the previous section to the first requirement i.e., context, which in the case of Dalit theology has to be the Dalit context, which is a living reality in Indian society, including in the Church or among the Christians.
The second requirement is important for any theology that is the history of the people. For example, for the Indian Christian theology, there is a need of a history of the Indian Church or Christianity. Up to now the Church history written in India is basically the history of western Christian missions. Indian Church history till now has been an appendage (in the words of M.M. Thomas) to this history. The same has been true of Indian Christian theology. It is interesting to find that one of the first text books, for theological students on Indian Christians theology was written by a missionary, with the sub-title ‘A Theology for India’ it is instruction oriented. Missionary friends of the Indian Christians still have to tell them what they need to do in their own context. Indian Christians still have to write their own history from their own point of view (which has to be an independent story) and which will narrate how the Indian Church has confessed its faith and how it has established its historical existence in its own living situation. This reality has to be the basis of Indian theology.
The same is true with the Dalit theology. This has to come out from the experiences of the Dalits themselves. It has to be based on the content of many living stories of the Dalits. It also means that the history of the Christian Dalits has to be prepared first.
The third important requirement is language. A report of the Commission of the Jesuits on ‘Formation and Inculturation’ in ‘India Today’ says: "For language, it is realized that it is not merely the medium of expression of communication, it is, in fact, the vehicle of culture as a whole." Many attempts have been made in this regard in the Indian Christian theology, but mostly in English. But as the Dalits here, represent the concern of the masses, therefore, Dalit theologians have to use the language of the masses (of Dalits), in the formation of the Dalit theology. This will be the most suitable way to maintain the originality of thought. This means that to begin with there will be more than one expressions for this theology, i.e., in Tamil, Bengali, Malayalam, Hindi, Punjabi, etc. This will be according to the definition of a living theology, references to which was made earlier that, "It is the local expression of the experiences of local people of their faith", and here it can also be added that to begin with it has to be in the ‘local language.’
Concluding Remarks
From the discussion of this essay the following points becomes clear:
One, the present or traditional Indian Christian theology is the outcome of the experiences of the upper caste Christian converts, whose immediate purpose was to interpret their new faith (religious experience) in the light of their previous faith of Brahamanic Hindu tradition, which was, and is a religion of a minority even within the Hindu traditions.
Two, because of the above reasons and others, the current Indian Christian theological expression is not relevant to the needs of the majority of the people, especially the Dalits, which also includes Dalit Christians.
Three, therefore there is need of another Indian Theological expression, which has to be based upon the experience of the ordinary people particularly the Dalits themselves, and this expression ultimately will be according to the needs of the Dalits, which means it will become the basis of the struggle to regain their lost identity and basic rights.
ABOUT CCA | CCA NEWS | PRESS | RESOURCES | HOME
Christian Conference of Asia
96 Pak Tin Village Area 2
Mei Tin Road, Shatin NT
Hong Kong SAR, CHINA
Tel: [852] 26911068 Fax: [852] 26923805
eMail: cca@cca.org.hk
ctc0104i
International Symposium on Dalit Theology
International Symposium on Dalit Theology
International Symposium on Dalit Theology
Kolkata, India
Dalit drum group
Photo: Peter Williams/WCC
The International Symposium on Dalit Theology in the 21st Century sets out to initiate a collaborative discourse among younger theologians committed to Dalit emancipation in the Indian church and society at large. It provides a platform for emerging voices and a showcase for the resources of Dalit theology as a theology of life for all.
Since three decades, Dalit theology is seeking to articulate the real life experiences of a majority of the Indian church. This authentic Indian theology has also challenged the global theological community with its vision and insights.
One intended outcome is the publication of a collection of essays that will reflect the new concerns and methods of a younger generation of Dalit theologians. The symposium will include at least nine papers from a Dalit feminist perspective, thereby filling a felt lacuna within Dalit theological discourse.
The symposium will be hosted by the Bishop's College, Kolkata, and co-organized by the World Council of Churches and the Council for World Mission. It will bring together 30 theologians and activists from around the globe.
More information on WCC work in solidarity with Dalits
Website of Bishop's College
Website of the Council for World Mission
International Symposium on Dalit Theology
Kolkata, India
Dalit drum group
Photo: Peter Williams/WCC
The International Symposium on Dalit Theology in the 21st Century sets out to initiate a collaborative discourse among younger theologians committed to Dalit emancipation in the Indian church and society at large. It provides a platform for emerging voices and a showcase for the resources of Dalit theology as a theology of life for all.
Since three decades, Dalit theology is seeking to articulate the real life experiences of a majority of the Indian church. This authentic Indian theology has also challenged the global theological community with its vision and insights.
One intended outcome is the publication of a collection of essays that will reflect the new concerns and methods of a younger generation of Dalit theologians. The symposium will include at least nine papers from a Dalit feminist perspective, thereby filling a felt lacuna within Dalit theological discourse.
The symposium will be hosted by the Bishop's College, Kolkata, and co-organized by the World Council of Churches and the Council for World Mission. It will bring together 30 theologians and activists from around the globe.
More information on WCC work in solidarity with Dalits
Website of Bishop's College
Website of the Council for World Mission
Dalit Theology : Annotated Bibliography
Contextualization Bibliographies General: Intros Culture Messenger Books
Religious
Dimensions: Doctrine/
Theology Ritual Ethics Experiential Myth Social
Theologies: African Asian Caribbean Latin American Middle East Oceanic Western Majority World Western Minority
Topics: AICS Ancestors Case Studies Christology Church Models Dalit Ecclesiology Evangelism/ Conversion Hermeneutics
Incarnation Inculturation Liberation Minjung Music/Art Practica Syncretism Urban Women
Regions: Africa Asia Caribbean Europe Latin America Middle East North America Oceania Multiple/General
Biblio Format Annotation
Abraham, K. C. "Asian Theology Looking to 21st Century." Voices (1997): 81-98. Asian theologies are contextual theologies; they are also people's theologies. Being truly rooted in the Asian realties they are given different names such as: Theology of Struggle, Minjung Theology, Dalit Theology, and there are women's (Feminist) theologies, They reflect on the deeper yearnings of their religions and cultures, critically rejecting some and reaffirming others. In the past, the Asian churches, by an large, a product of western missions, were content with repeating, without reflection, the confessions of faith evolved by the Western churches. Creative theologies in Asia began to emerge in the 19th century when the churches started relating their faith to the questions and concerns peculiar to Asia. This theological encounter continues as the Church faces new problems and challenges. We have embarked on a new journey, breaking the tutelage of our erstwhile Western masters. A new stage in this journey has begun as we are on the threshold of 21st century. How do we articulate our agenda for the future?
Abraham, K. C. "Dalit Theology--Some Tasks Ahead." Bangalore Theological Forum 29:1/2 (March & June 1997): 36-47. By far the most significant contribution from India to the present-day contextualized theological thinking comes from Dalit theology and the late Prof. A. P. Nirmal was its most articulate spokesperson. This paper is a tribute to him in which the author reiterates some of the cardinal elements of Dalit theology, especially as they are reflected in the writings of Nirmal and then suggests some tasks ahead.
Ayrookuzhiel, A. M. Abraham. "Dalit Liberation: Some Reflections on Their Ideological Predicament." Religion and Society (Bangalore) 35:2 (June 1988): 47-52. The two positions taken by Gandhi and Ambedkar represent two different ideological strands on the Dalit question. While Gandhi was the great champion of Dalit integration within the Hindu community, Ambedkar exhorted his people to leave Hinduism and struggle independently for their liberation. Is Gandhian ideology of Dalit integration within the Hindu fold a realistic one? What is the experience of the Dalits of the past half century of the Gandhian approach? What is the rationale of Ambedkar's doctrine of struggle against Hinduism? These are important questions to be considered because the issue at stake is the liberation of 150 million people.
Ayrookuzhiel, A. M. Abraham. "Religion and Culture in Dalits' Struggle for Liberation." Religion and Society (Bangalore) 33:2 (June 1986): 33-44. In this paper we discuss firstly, the nature of the religio-cultural problem the Dalitsv face against its historical background and its present day modifications. Secondly, we look into the history of the Dalits to see how they tried to solve their problems in the past and what the lessons learned were. Thirdly, we attempt a critical evaluation of the present religio-cultural predicament of the Dalits in India.
Clarke, Sathianathan. "Constructive Christian Theology: A Contextual Indian Proposal." Bangalore Theological Forum 29:1/2 (March & June 1997): 94-111. I propose that Christian theology is critical and constructive reflection of human dialogical social intercourse in its attempt to make sense of, find meaning in, and determine order for living collectively under God through the paradigm of Jesus Christ. In this paper I unpack the myriad theological assumptions and assertions woven into such an apparently temperate definition. In so doing, I initiate a conversation between the emerging school of "constructive theology" in the West and the legitimate voice of the Dalit communities in India. My thesis is that Constructive theology can be contextualised in India to be a productive and enriching model for doing Christian theology.
Clarke, Sundar. "Dalit Movement: Need for a Theology." In Towards a Dalit Theology, ed. M. E. Probhakar, 30-34. New Delhi: Indian Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1988.
Daniel, Ayub. "Dalit Theology: Punjab Perspective." Religion and Society (Bangalore) 38 (1991): 58-64. There is a very common Punjabi proverb that a hungry man was asked "How many 1+1 would make ?" He quickly replied. "Two loaves of bread". This may precisely be called the core of Dalit Theology. On a cursory look it might appear to be a theology of hunger, but a deeper insight and reflection would reveal much more deeper aspects. An authentic theology must emerge out of the experience of the people and I would like to add that it should also respond positively to the needs of the people. Now in the context of the Indian Dalits, their experience is their dalitness. Dalit Theology therefore, has to give expression to this experience of dalitness of the people and respond positively to their need, which is their main concern--how to earn their daily bread, how to overcome their life situations of oppression, poverty, suffering, injustice, illiteracy, and denial of identity; in short a question of survival. Dalit theology, therefore in the above sense is a 'contextual theology' and a theology from 'below', because it narrates the people's stories, sings songs of their suffering and triumphs, upholds their popular wisdom including their values proverbs, folklore, myths, interprets their history and culture, in order to articulate a faith to live by and to act on. Thus the real task for Dalit theology will be to create among the dalits, a consciousness of their dalitness, their history and roots, their culture and their faith, and thereby liberate them from their oppression and sufferings.
Dyvasirvadam, Govada. "Doing Theology with God's Purpose in India in the Context of the Dalit Struggle for a Fuller Humanity." In Doing Theology with God's Purpose in Asia, ed. Choo Lak Yeow, 104-10. Singapore: ATESEA, 1990. Dalit theology is an effort by dalit Christians to express their struggle for liberation in the light of the biblical faith of Israel. It is a process in the making. Dalit Christian theology (a) aims to reinterpret scripture in the context of the present reality and to relate the events of the biblical past to the dalit's struggle in India for a fuller humanity; (b) while it emphasizes individual sin, demands that more effort be given to rectify corporate sin, where human values are relegated to obscurity; (c) aims at reviving dalit history and culture, which adds to the fragrance of God's human garden; (d) aims at conscientizing dalits towards a praxis-oriented faith. This spiritual journey of dalits will continue long into the future until it reaches a 'kairotic moment' (in C. S. Song's words) which brings justice and reconciliation into their lives.
Gnanavaram, M. "'Dalit Theology' and the Parable of the Good Samaritan." Journal for the Study of the New Testament no 50 (1993): 59-83.
Habel, Norman C. "Emerging Dalit Theology: Liberation from What?" Lutheran Theological Journal 30 (1996): 66-74. My aim in this essay is to introduce readers to some of the current thinking in Dalit theology as it is formulated in works published by Gurukul Theological College, and to reflect briefly on the significance of these studies as a contribution to theology today. From an intensive search of Dalit history, experience, mission background, pre-mission identity, and popular beliefs, Dalit theologians have expressed a wide array of ideas which are part of an emerging Dalit theology. It would be presumptuous of me to claim I have understood the complexity of this phenomenon. There are, however, a number of theological concepts and emphases which seem to me to be distinctive and perhaps normative. These themes are a theology: grounded in the pathos of caste oppression; affirming dalits as humans; discerning signs of liberation in dalit history; affirming Jesus Christ as a dalit; emphasizing the servitude of God; in conflict with karma; in search of forgiveness power.
Jebaraj, D. "Paradigms in Dalit Theology." AETEI Journal 6:2 (July - Dec. 1993): 12-17. The dalit movements can be intelligently studied only when certain key issues are clarified: 1) the meaning of the term dalit; does this refer to all the oppressed and poor people or only the scheduled castes? 2) the original religion of the dalits; are they Hindus? If so is the dalit movement a religious one? 3) is the reservation policy good for the dalits? 4) what is the church's role in the dalit movement? Do the churches involve in conversion of the dalits or do they simply take part in their struggles without being concerned about conversion and the numerical growth of the church? 5) does the dalit movement resort to violent means to achieve liberation? And finally what is meant by liberation?
Kadankavil, Thomas. "Salvation from the Dalit Perspective: Earthly or Eschatological." Journal of Dharma 22:2 (1997): 128-154. Works through issues involved in Dalit perspectives on salvation. Concludes: The question where should the Dalits turn for salvation cannot be answered in any single, straight forward way. The answer depends on the nature of salvation one seeks an eternal salvation of the soul, or a temporal or earthly liberation of man from all that enslaves him. In the latter sense we can identify a number of factors, such as caste, untouchability, poverty, duties, prescribed by the upper caste Hinduism, unclean occupations, village system of living. Sanskritization etc. from which the Dalits are to be liberated. As a means for attaining this goal the solidarity of the Dalits is envisaged. It is to be consolidated by rebellion, challenge and disobedience supported by the Dalit literature of protest.
Larbeer, P. Mohan. In God, Christ & God's People in Asia as Seen by the Participants of the Consultation on the Theme 'Through a New Vision of God Towards the New Humanity in Christ' Kyoto, 1994. ed. Dhyanchand Carr, 118-127. Hong Kong: Christian Conference of Asia Theological Concerns, 1995.
Larbeer, P. Mohan. "The Spirit of Truth and Dalit Liberation." Ecumenical Review 42 (1990): 229-236. Describes the dalits through stories of oppression and explores issues of their need for freedom and dignity. Concludes: The church in India, as a community called to further the liberative mission, should come out from the clutches of the rich and the high caste. It is not enough merely to identify with the Dalits, the church should become the church of the Dalits. This Dalit church, with the power of the Spirit of truth, will witness to the Paraclete as mediator. This Dalit church will help its own community to come out of the feeling of forsakenness with the power of the indwelling presence of Jesus. Thus the Dalit church will be truly messianic and become instrumental in the gathering up of all things in Christ.
Madtha, William. "Dalit Theology: Voice of the Oppressed." Journal of Dharma 16 (1991): 74-92. Today, two of the most urgent questions that face any religion are the questions of the many poor and many religions. The answers that the churches give to these challanges will determine their relevance. In this context, when religions of different view points dialogue together on the poor a fruitful and critical reflection, rooted in theo-praxis, will emerge. Such praxis and dialogue-based reflection on dalit situation may be provisionally christened as dalit theology. Dalit theology is a systematization of the critical reflection on ortho-praxis which the oppressed generate dialogically in the light of their faith. 'It is born out of a live experience of the suffering or marginalized and their. shared efforts to abolish their existing unjust situation and to build basileia; a new society; more free and more human, come what may. Hence it is a theology of the rift-raff, the underside of history. Here the down-trodden become the historical locus Dei. God is encountered in the struggles for the rights of human bpings through thick and thin (is 1.11-17; Jer.22.13-16; Hos. 4.1-2, 6.4-6). The kernel and core of . dalit theology is not logos but praxis that is liberative. The primary agents of this struggle are the dalits themselves and the others are only empathetic animators. This theology puts justice and establishment of God's reign at the centre of Kerygma in lieu of doctrinal orthodoxy and church-expansion.
Massey, James. "Christian Dalits: A Historical Perspective." Journal of Dharma 16 (1991): 44-60. The basic question addressed here is: Why Christian dalits? Even after becoming Christian? Particularly, when Christian religion upholds the principle of equality. Then why the conditions of Christian dalits are unchanged ? This problem as it stands today is well recognized in some circles both within the Indian Church/Christians as well as outside. But on the whole the blame is put on the caste system of Indian society. It is true that in general the caste system is the root cause of dalits in India. But is that the case of Christian dalits also? Or is their problem much deeper based or rooted in some particular religious understanding (of christian faith)? Besides addressing this question, discussion here also includes the questions of the missionary methods, their superiority complex, their response to the problem of the Christian dality, and also later on how Indian Christians/Church responded to the same issue.
Massey, James. "Christian Dalits in India: An Analysis." Religion and Society (Bangalore) 37:3 (September 1990): 40-53. The scope of this paper is limited to the Christian Dalits in India, particularly to their unchanged condition, after becoming Christian. The aim of this paper is in no way to offer a solution to the problem of Christian Dalits. The basic aim is to understand the reason(s) behind their unchanged condition. To deal with the subject, the method used here is: some of the main historical cases from Indian Church history have been taken into consideration and based on this an analysis has been made to reach the final conclusion.
Massey, James. "Ingredients for a Dalit Theology." In Towards a Dalit Theology, ed. M. E. Probhakar, 57-63. New Delhi: Indian Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1988.
Massey, James. "The Role of the Churches in the Whole Dalit Issue." Religion and Society (Bangalore) 41:1 (March 1994): 44-50. Before defining the role of churches, it is thus very important for us to answer one other pertinent question of why the Christian community/Church in India has failed to address the whole issue of Dalits, particularly Christian Dalits, or to put this question another way, why do we find condition of the Christian Dalits unchanged, even after becoming Christans? To get a reasonably clear answer to these questions we have to go to the root of the issue or problem of Christian Dalits, which has a number of dimensions. Because of the limitation of time and also the size of this presentation, it is not possible here to deal with all the dimensions of the question or to go into details. Therefore for our discussion and consideration, we will highlight four of the major dimensions which comprise the historical, biblical, theological, and human rights issue.
Nalunnakkal, George Mathew. "Search for Self-Identity and the Emerging Spirituality: A Dalit Theological Perspective." Bangalore Theological Forum 30:1/2 (March & June 1998): 25-44. Dalit (the term in the Indian context denotes those oppressed on the basis of caste) theology is a theology done by and for the dalits in India. Above all, dalit theology is a reflection on dalit consciousness and identity. Concludes: It is high time that dalit theology, as also liberation theology, realizes that socio-political liberation alone will not be an integral liberation unless it is linked with liberation of land and earth and the whole ecology which is so integral to the survival of the dalits and the tribals in India. Thus, linking the social concerns of the dalits and the tribals with their ecological concerns, an authentic spirituality can be developed in the Indian context. Dalits should take land as a theological category and strive to regain possession of their homeland (ecology) which is part of their culture and religiosity. Only then, an integral spirituality which is rooted in the searches of basic communities for their identity can and will be a reality.
Nirmal, A. P. "Towards a Christian Dalit Theology." Asia Journal of Theology 6:2 (1992): 297-310. Indian Christian theology is now for the dalit, no longer confined to the elite. This article explores this issue and explains what dalit theology is.
Parratt, John. "Recent Writing on Dalit Theology: A Bibliographical Essay." International Review of Mission 83:329 (April 1994): 329-37. There is thus burgeoning literature appearing in India on this peculiarly Indian theology of the oppressed. Regrettably, distribution of Indian Christian books in the west is at best erratic. This is a pity, for it means that western theologians are only scantily informed about one of the most exciting and important developments in third world theology for several years. Dalit theology is the theologizing of ordinary believers at the grassroots, and which manifests itself in hymn, song and story, as well as in the more sustained argumentation of trained theologians. It is appropriate then that several of the volumes discussed in this review include some moving examples of such oral-narrative theology.
Prabhakar, M. E. "In Search of Roots--Dalit Aspirations and the Christian Dalit Question: Perceptions of the Telugu Poet Laureate, Joshua." Religion and Society (Bangalore) 41:1 (March 1994): 2-20. This essay is being offered as a token of my personal response to the Christian Dalit question, in the face of continuing allegations against Christian social activists of promoting Christian communalism, by some sections of the ecumenical leadership and support bases of the Church in India and abroad. The Christian Dalit question is a central element in the achievement of solidarity and liberation of all Dalits and in fulfilling the spiritual and social goals of the Christian Fellowship (Koinonia) in India which is predominantly constituted by Christian Dalits, who first entered the churches in their hundreds of thousands during the late 19th and early 20th centuries, seeking spiritual and social solace and humane community.
Probhakar, M. E., ed. Towards a Dalit Theology, New Delhi: Indian Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1988.
Raj, Antony. In Integral Mission Dynamics: An Interdisciplinary Study of the Catholic Church in India, ed. Augustine Kanjamala, 70-88. New Delhi: Intercultural Publications, 1996.
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Biblio Format Annotation
Abraham, K. C. "Asian Theology Looking to 21st Century." Voices (1997): 81-98. Asian theologies are contextual theologies; they are also people's theologies. Being truly rooted in the Asian realties they are given different names such as: Theology of Struggle, Minjung Theology, Dalit Theology, and there are women's (Feminist) theologies, They reflect on the deeper yearnings of their religions and cultures, critically rejecting some and reaffirming others. In the past, the Asian churches, by an large, a product of western missions, were content with repeating, without reflection, the confessions of faith evolved by the Western churches. Creative theologies in Asia began to emerge in the 19th century when the churches started relating their faith to the questions and concerns peculiar to Asia. This theological encounter continues as the Church faces new problems and challenges. We have embarked on a new journey, breaking the tutelage of our erstwhile Western masters. A new stage in this journey has begun as we are on the threshold of 21st century. How do we articulate our agenda for the future?
Abraham, K. C. "Dalit Theology--Some Tasks Ahead." Bangalore Theological Forum 29:1/2 (March & June 1997): 36-47. By far the most significant contribution from India to the present-day contextualized theological thinking comes from Dalit theology and the late Prof. A. P. Nirmal was its most articulate spokesperson. This paper is a tribute to him in which the author reiterates some of the cardinal elements of Dalit theology, especially as they are reflected in the writings of Nirmal and then suggests some tasks ahead.
Ayrookuzhiel, A. M. Abraham. "Dalit Liberation: Some Reflections on Their Ideological Predicament." Religion and Society (Bangalore) 35:2 (June 1988): 47-52. The two positions taken by Gandhi and Ambedkar represent two different ideological strands on the Dalit question. While Gandhi was the great champion of Dalit integration within the Hindu community, Ambedkar exhorted his people to leave Hinduism and struggle independently for their liberation. Is Gandhian ideology of Dalit integration within the Hindu fold a realistic one? What is the experience of the Dalits of the past half century of the Gandhian approach? What is the rationale of Ambedkar's doctrine of struggle against Hinduism? These are important questions to be considered because the issue at stake is the liberation of 150 million people.
Ayrookuzhiel, A. M. Abraham. "Religion and Culture in Dalits' Struggle for Liberation." Religion and Society (Bangalore) 33:2 (June 1986): 33-44. In this paper we discuss firstly, the nature of the religio-cultural problem the Dalitsv face against its historical background and its present day modifications. Secondly, we look into the history of the Dalits to see how they tried to solve their problems in the past and what the lessons learned were. Thirdly, we attempt a critical evaluation of the present religio-cultural predicament of the Dalits in India.
Clarke, Sathianathan. "Constructive Christian Theology: A Contextual Indian Proposal." Bangalore Theological Forum 29:1/2 (March & June 1997): 94-111. I propose that Christian theology is critical and constructive reflection of human dialogical social intercourse in its attempt to make sense of, find meaning in, and determine order for living collectively under God through the paradigm of Jesus Christ. In this paper I unpack the myriad theological assumptions and assertions woven into such an apparently temperate definition. In so doing, I initiate a conversation between the emerging school of "constructive theology" in the West and the legitimate voice of the Dalit communities in India. My thesis is that Constructive theology can be contextualised in India to be a productive and enriching model for doing Christian theology.
Clarke, Sundar. "Dalit Movement: Need for a Theology." In Towards a Dalit Theology, ed. M. E. Probhakar, 30-34. New Delhi: Indian Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1988.
Daniel, Ayub. "Dalit Theology: Punjab Perspective." Religion and Society (Bangalore) 38 (1991): 58-64. There is a very common Punjabi proverb that a hungry man was asked "How many 1+1 would make ?" He quickly replied. "Two loaves of bread". This may precisely be called the core of Dalit Theology. On a cursory look it might appear to be a theology of hunger, but a deeper insight and reflection would reveal much more deeper aspects. An authentic theology must emerge out of the experience of the people and I would like to add that it should also respond positively to the needs of the people. Now in the context of the Indian Dalits, their experience is their dalitness. Dalit Theology therefore, has to give expression to this experience of dalitness of the people and respond positively to their need, which is their main concern--how to earn their daily bread, how to overcome their life situations of oppression, poverty, suffering, injustice, illiteracy, and denial of identity; in short a question of survival. Dalit theology, therefore in the above sense is a 'contextual theology' and a theology from 'below', because it narrates the people's stories, sings songs of their suffering and triumphs, upholds their popular wisdom including their values proverbs, folklore, myths, interprets their history and culture, in order to articulate a faith to live by and to act on. Thus the real task for Dalit theology will be to create among the dalits, a consciousness of their dalitness, their history and roots, their culture and their faith, and thereby liberate them from their oppression and sufferings.
Dyvasirvadam, Govada. "Doing Theology with God's Purpose in India in the Context of the Dalit Struggle for a Fuller Humanity." In Doing Theology with God's Purpose in Asia, ed. Choo Lak Yeow, 104-10. Singapore: ATESEA, 1990. Dalit theology is an effort by dalit Christians to express their struggle for liberation in the light of the biblical faith of Israel. It is a process in the making. Dalit Christian theology (a) aims to reinterpret scripture in the context of the present reality and to relate the events of the biblical past to the dalit's struggle in India for a fuller humanity; (b) while it emphasizes individual sin, demands that more effort be given to rectify corporate sin, where human values are relegated to obscurity; (c) aims at reviving dalit history and culture, which adds to the fragrance of God's human garden; (d) aims at conscientizing dalits towards a praxis-oriented faith. This spiritual journey of dalits will continue long into the future until it reaches a 'kairotic moment' (in C. S. Song's words) which brings justice and reconciliation into their lives.
Gnanavaram, M. "'Dalit Theology' and the Parable of the Good Samaritan." Journal for the Study of the New Testament no 50 (1993): 59-83.
Habel, Norman C. "Emerging Dalit Theology: Liberation from What?" Lutheran Theological Journal 30 (1996): 66-74. My aim in this essay is to introduce readers to some of the current thinking in Dalit theology as it is formulated in works published by Gurukul Theological College, and to reflect briefly on the significance of these studies as a contribution to theology today. From an intensive search of Dalit history, experience, mission background, pre-mission identity, and popular beliefs, Dalit theologians have expressed a wide array of ideas which are part of an emerging Dalit theology. It would be presumptuous of me to claim I have understood the complexity of this phenomenon. There are, however, a number of theological concepts and emphases which seem to me to be distinctive and perhaps normative. These themes are a theology: grounded in the pathos of caste oppression; affirming dalits as humans; discerning signs of liberation in dalit history; affirming Jesus Christ as a dalit; emphasizing the servitude of God; in conflict with karma; in search of forgiveness power.
Jebaraj, D. "Paradigms in Dalit Theology." AETEI Journal 6:2 (July - Dec. 1993): 12-17. The dalit movements can be intelligently studied only when certain key issues are clarified: 1) the meaning of the term dalit; does this refer to all the oppressed and poor people or only the scheduled castes? 2) the original religion of the dalits; are they Hindus? If so is the dalit movement a religious one? 3) is the reservation policy good for the dalits? 4) what is the church's role in the dalit movement? Do the churches involve in conversion of the dalits or do they simply take part in their struggles without being concerned about conversion and the numerical growth of the church? 5) does the dalit movement resort to violent means to achieve liberation? And finally what is meant by liberation?
Kadankavil, Thomas. "Salvation from the Dalit Perspective: Earthly or Eschatological." Journal of Dharma 22:2 (1997): 128-154. Works through issues involved in Dalit perspectives on salvation. Concludes: The question where should the Dalits turn for salvation cannot be answered in any single, straight forward way. The answer depends on the nature of salvation one seeks an eternal salvation of the soul, or a temporal or earthly liberation of man from all that enslaves him. In the latter sense we can identify a number of factors, such as caste, untouchability, poverty, duties, prescribed by the upper caste Hinduism, unclean occupations, village system of living. Sanskritization etc. from which the Dalits are to be liberated. As a means for attaining this goal the solidarity of the Dalits is envisaged. It is to be consolidated by rebellion, challenge and disobedience supported by the Dalit literature of protest.
Larbeer, P. Mohan. In God, Christ & God's People in Asia as Seen by the Participants of the Consultation on the Theme 'Through a New Vision of God Towards the New Humanity in Christ' Kyoto, 1994. ed. Dhyanchand Carr, 118-127. Hong Kong: Christian Conference of Asia Theological Concerns, 1995.
Larbeer, P. Mohan. "The Spirit of Truth and Dalit Liberation." Ecumenical Review 42 (1990): 229-236. Describes the dalits through stories of oppression and explores issues of their need for freedom and dignity. Concludes: The church in India, as a community called to further the liberative mission, should come out from the clutches of the rich and the high caste. It is not enough merely to identify with the Dalits, the church should become the church of the Dalits. This Dalit church, with the power of the Spirit of truth, will witness to the Paraclete as mediator. This Dalit church will help its own community to come out of the feeling of forsakenness with the power of the indwelling presence of Jesus. Thus the Dalit church will be truly messianic and become instrumental in the gathering up of all things in Christ.
Madtha, William. "Dalit Theology: Voice of the Oppressed." Journal of Dharma 16 (1991): 74-92. Today, two of the most urgent questions that face any religion are the questions of the many poor and many religions. The answers that the churches give to these challanges will determine their relevance. In this context, when religions of different view points dialogue together on the poor a fruitful and critical reflection, rooted in theo-praxis, will emerge. Such praxis and dialogue-based reflection on dalit situation may be provisionally christened as dalit theology. Dalit theology is a systematization of the critical reflection on ortho-praxis which the oppressed generate dialogically in the light of their faith. 'It is born out of a live experience of the suffering or marginalized and their. shared efforts to abolish their existing unjust situation and to build basileia; a new society; more free and more human, come what may. Hence it is a theology of the rift-raff, the underside of history. Here the down-trodden become the historical locus Dei. God is encountered in the struggles for the rights of human bpings through thick and thin (is 1.11-17; Jer.22.13-16; Hos. 4.1-2, 6.4-6). The kernel and core of . dalit theology is not logos but praxis that is liberative. The primary agents of this struggle are the dalits themselves and the others are only empathetic animators. This theology puts justice and establishment of God's reign at the centre of Kerygma in lieu of doctrinal orthodoxy and church-expansion.
Massey, James. "Christian Dalits: A Historical Perspective." Journal of Dharma 16 (1991): 44-60. The basic question addressed here is: Why Christian dalits? Even after becoming Christian? Particularly, when Christian religion upholds the principle of equality. Then why the conditions of Christian dalits are unchanged ? This problem as it stands today is well recognized in some circles both within the Indian Church/Christians as well as outside. But on the whole the blame is put on the caste system of Indian society. It is true that in general the caste system is the root cause of dalits in India. But is that the case of Christian dalits also? Or is their problem much deeper based or rooted in some particular religious understanding (of christian faith)? Besides addressing this question, discussion here also includes the questions of the missionary methods, their superiority complex, their response to the problem of the Christian dality, and also later on how Indian Christians/Church responded to the same issue.
Massey, James. "Christian Dalits in India: An Analysis." Religion and Society (Bangalore) 37:3 (September 1990): 40-53. The scope of this paper is limited to the Christian Dalits in India, particularly to their unchanged condition, after becoming Christian. The aim of this paper is in no way to offer a solution to the problem of Christian Dalits. The basic aim is to understand the reason(s) behind their unchanged condition. To deal with the subject, the method used here is: some of the main historical cases from Indian Church history have been taken into consideration and based on this an analysis has been made to reach the final conclusion.
Massey, James. "Ingredients for a Dalit Theology." In Towards a Dalit Theology, ed. M. E. Probhakar, 57-63. New Delhi: Indian Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1988.
Massey, James. "The Role of the Churches in the Whole Dalit Issue." Religion and Society (Bangalore) 41:1 (March 1994): 44-50. Before defining the role of churches, it is thus very important for us to answer one other pertinent question of why the Christian community/Church in India has failed to address the whole issue of Dalits, particularly Christian Dalits, or to put this question another way, why do we find condition of the Christian Dalits unchanged, even after becoming Christans? To get a reasonably clear answer to these questions we have to go to the root of the issue or problem of Christian Dalits, which has a number of dimensions. Because of the limitation of time and also the size of this presentation, it is not possible here to deal with all the dimensions of the question or to go into details. Therefore for our discussion and consideration, we will highlight four of the major dimensions which comprise the historical, biblical, theological, and human rights issue.
Nalunnakkal, George Mathew. "Search for Self-Identity and the Emerging Spirituality: A Dalit Theological Perspective." Bangalore Theological Forum 30:1/2 (March & June 1998): 25-44. Dalit (the term in the Indian context denotes those oppressed on the basis of caste) theology is a theology done by and for the dalits in India. Above all, dalit theology is a reflection on dalit consciousness and identity. Concludes: It is high time that dalit theology, as also liberation theology, realizes that socio-political liberation alone will not be an integral liberation unless it is linked with liberation of land and earth and the whole ecology which is so integral to the survival of the dalits and the tribals in India. Thus, linking the social concerns of the dalits and the tribals with their ecological concerns, an authentic spirituality can be developed in the Indian context. Dalits should take land as a theological category and strive to regain possession of their homeland (ecology) which is part of their culture and religiosity. Only then, an integral spirituality which is rooted in the searches of basic communities for their identity can and will be a reality.
Nirmal, A. P. "Towards a Christian Dalit Theology." Asia Journal of Theology 6:2 (1992): 297-310. Indian Christian theology is now for the dalit, no longer confined to the elite. This article explores this issue and explains what dalit theology is.
Parratt, John. "Recent Writing on Dalit Theology: A Bibliographical Essay." International Review of Mission 83:329 (April 1994): 329-37. There is thus burgeoning literature appearing in India on this peculiarly Indian theology of the oppressed. Regrettably, distribution of Indian Christian books in the west is at best erratic. This is a pity, for it means that western theologians are only scantily informed about one of the most exciting and important developments in third world theology for several years. Dalit theology is the theologizing of ordinary believers at the grassroots, and which manifests itself in hymn, song and story, as well as in the more sustained argumentation of trained theologians. It is appropriate then that several of the volumes discussed in this review include some moving examples of such oral-narrative theology.
Prabhakar, M. E. "In Search of Roots--Dalit Aspirations and the Christian Dalit Question: Perceptions of the Telugu Poet Laureate, Joshua." Religion and Society (Bangalore) 41:1 (March 1994): 2-20. This essay is being offered as a token of my personal response to the Christian Dalit question, in the face of continuing allegations against Christian social activists of promoting Christian communalism, by some sections of the ecumenical leadership and support bases of the Church in India and abroad. The Christian Dalit question is a central element in the achievement of solidarity and liberation of all Dalits and in fulfilling the spiritual and social goals of the Christian Fellowship (Koinonia) in India which is predominantly constituted by Christian Dalits, who first entered the churches in their hundreds of thousands during the late 19th and early 20th centuries, seeking spiritual and social solace and humane community.
Probhakar, M. E., ed. Towards a Dalit Theology, New Delhi: Indian Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1988.
Raj, Antony. In Integral Mission Dynamics: An Interdisciplinary Study of the Catholic Church in India, ed. Augustine Kanjamala, 70-88. New Delhi: Intercultural Publications, 1996.
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DALIT THEOLOGY: AN INDIAN CHRISTIAN ATTEMPT TO GIVE VOICE TO THE VOICELESS
DALIT THEOLOGY: AN INDIAN CHRISTIAN ATTEMPT TO GIVE VOICE TO THE VOICELESS
Rev. Dr. K. P. Kuruvila
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INTRODUCTION
The emergence of dalit theology in India can be considered as a significant event in the history of Indian Christian thinking as it is very much related to the historical experiences of an oppressed and down trodden people. It can be conceived in the context of the struggles of a community against casteism and their continued aspirations for social justice both in church and society. However, the immediate concern for formulating a Dalit theology emerged within the Christian Dalit Liberation movement. So the sources and process of Dalit Theology lay in the agony and sufferings of Dalits in their search for self identity, equality and their search for a meaningful life in the community. K.C. Abraham, the President of Ecumenical Association for the Third World Theologians rightly points out:
Dalit Theology emerges out of the attempt in their seeking a new identity for themselves based on their past religions and cultures which had been suppressed or destroyed by dominant communities. In their struggle against historical as well as contemporary process of domination, the dalits and indigenous groups became conscious of their identity as people.
It is to be remembered that the inspiration drawn from the struggles of the blacks and black theology movement in the U S A and the people's theology in Korea were mainly instrumental for pioneering a dalit theology in India. Although the Christian Dalits form only a small portion of the Dalit community as a whole, the task of theologizing by them will provide for them in their struggle the motivating force to liberate themselves in solidarity with all other dalits across their religious and sub caste loyalties.
WHO ARE THE DALITS?
The social structure of India is stratified, with in built inequalities and injustices, based on the caste- system sanctified by Brahmanic -Hinduism. Although social stratification exist in almost all societies, the caste system is quite unique to the Indian society. Sanctioned by the religio-philosophical system, the Dalits are socially placed outside the four-fold caste system and they are referred to as the fifth caste ( panchamas ), even when they live as outcasts. Dalits are differentiated from the lowest strata of other societies with regard to their stigma of untouchability. "The Dalits form the inner core of poverty, which is birth ascribed. They have been excluded from the caste system (social hierarchy), hence out-castes; declared ritually unclean, hence untouchable; and pushed out for fear of pollution to live on the outskirts of villages, hence segregated." In fact, Dalits have been the most degraded, downtrodden, exploited and the least educated in our society. They have been socially and culturally, economically and politically subjugated and marginalized through three thousand years of our history.
However, the Dalits in India are believed to be the ancient Dravidian race, the original people of India. We can say that they only introduced culture in India. They were the owners of all property. The Aryans, a series of related and highly self conscious tribes sharing a common language and religion, began their invasions of India from the Northwest around 1500 B.C. If a king wins a battle in the neighboring country, he makes the loser king and his people as slaves and snatches all their properties. Here also, the Aryans snatched away all their properties and kept them aside branding them as out-caste. So the dominant view traces the origins of both caste and untouchability to the Aryans themselves and to their ways of relating to the original peoples of India with whom they came into contact with. Untouchablity and segregation are resulted due to the Brahmin supremacy among the Dravidian races. The Dravidian race was initially casteless and had horizontal ethnic divisions and clan groups which under Brahmanization became vertically graded and ritually ranked by the principle of purity- pollution.
According to James Massey, the term "Dalit" is perhaps, one of the most ancient terms which has not only survived till date, but is also shared by a few of world's oldest languages, namely, Hebrew and Sanskrit. Though they differ in their grammatical and lexicographical connotations, both these languages share the term "Dalit" with the same root and sense. It has been said that the root word 'dal' in dalit has been borrowed into Sanskrit from Hebrew. The biblical root of word Dalit is "dall". The word 'Dall" is a verb which means, to hang down,to be languid, to be weakened, be low, be feeble. Massey also says that almost all English translations of the Bible have rendered these Hebrew expressions with the same meaning and various other translations, including Indian languages have followed the same English sense and meaning. Elza Tamez, a liberation theologian, while listing the major Hebrew terms used for "poor", has also included "dal". According to her "dal" is used in two senses: it may refer either to physical weakness or to lowly, insignificant position in the society. C.U. Wolf, in his essay on the term "Poor", which he contributed to the Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, makes the Hebrew term more clear. For him, they are those whose prosperity and social status have been reduced. In physical strength and in psychological ability they are impaired and helpless. In other words, "dal" or "dalit" people are not only economically or physically poor or weak, they are also poor in their psychological ability and their being has been impaired to such an extent that they have become helpless. That is why Massey says, "this Hebrew term denotes a much deeper side of the state of the people known as Dalit, which cannot be covered by a simplistic term, "poor". "Dalit" in Sanskrit is both noun and adjective. As a noun dalit can be used for all three genders - masculine, feminine and neuter. It has been accepted in Sanskrit also with root 'Dal' which means to crack, split, be broken or torn asunder, trodden down, scattered, crushed or destroyed. Some of the regional languages, including Hindi Dictionaries have included in the list of meanings, which also refer to a section of people, who have suffered oppression through out the history because of the accepted religious and social norms.
The term "Dalit" in the Indian context has been used from ancient times, but not very much. Actually the present usage of this term started since nineteenth century. The original usage of this term with its unique meaning was done by Jyotirao Phule (1827 -1890), a renowned backward class social reformer to describe the untouchable and outcasts as the oppressed and broken victims of Hindu Society. Thus dalit can be considered as a title, which dalits have given to themselves, to describe as people and to denote their real state of deprivation. But it was during the 1970's that the followers of Dalit Panther Movement gave currency to the term "Dalit" as a constant reminder of the age-old oppression, denoting both their state of deprivation and as the people who are oppressed. According to Barbara Joshi, the title Dalit has become a positive assertive expression of pride in untouchable heritage and a rejection of their oppression. As a matter of fact, many Dalits today prefer to call themselves as dalits because this term is not a name or a title for them but it is an expression of hope for them to recover their past self- identity. Today this term is used frequently and has become popular among dalit people of various protest movements of our country. As the uniqueness of blacks comes from what has been called the black condition or black experience, so also the uniqueness of dalits come from their "dalitness" or dalit experience.
In short, the basic meaning of the term dalit is not poor or outcast, it really denotes the state to which a certain section of the people have been reduced through systematic religious process and now they are forced to continue to live in that predicament. They are outcast and poor, because they are according to the architect of the system cannot be fit to be included in the fourfold graded caste structure of our society. On the basis of this status, they were made to bear the extreme kinds of disabilities in the form of oppression for centuries, which made them almost lose their humanness and finally they reached the state of being a 'no- people'."
WHY DALIT THEOLOGY?
What is the need for a Dalit theology, apart from Indian Christian theology? In order to answer this question adequately, it is better to analyze the dominant trends that have prevailed in Indian theological thinking. It is an accepted fact that the roots of Indian Christian theology lie in the experiences of mostly upper class/ caste Christian converts of this century and last century. In fact, Indian christian theology is very much attached to the Brahmanical culture and ideology. For many of the Indian Christian theologians, cultural contextuality meant adjustment to the dominant ethos and even to such structures as caste. The vedas, upanishads, and their renowned commentators exercised a great deal of influence on these theologians. These thinkers and their experiences were very much different from the majority of Christians, who were poor and belonged to the lower strata of the society. J.C. Duraisingh and K.C.Abraham in their evaluation of New Delhi EATWOT conference (1981) from an Asian perspective observe: We, in Asia are prone to the danger of romanticizing the ancient religions and accepting them uncritically, while knowing that they have been used to exploit masses and to protect the vested interests of the high and the mighty, These religions have used to silence the masses and make them accept passively their suffering, resorting to otherworldly flight from reality.
Consequently, the theological thinking in India has been alienated from the reality of the masses, especially, from the Christian community, the majority of whom are dalits and tribals. "It is a well-known fact that the majority of Christians come from the lower strata of the society, that is, from across the borderline between caste and no-caste. What is missing from Indian Christian theology is the experiences of these lowliest people." Aravind P. Nirmal one of the pioneers in Christian Dalit theology had made the same kind of observation in one of his articles in the early seventies:
Broadly speaking, Indian Christian theology in the past has tried to work out its theological systems in terms of either Advaita Vedanta or Vishista Advaita. Most of the contributions to Indian Christian theology in the past came from caste converts to Christianity. The result has been that Indian Christian Theology has perpetuated within itself what I prefer to call the " Brahminic" tradition. This tradition has further perpetuated intuition- inferiority oriented approach to the theological task in India. One wonders whether this kind of Indian christian theology will ever have a mass appeal.
The situation did not change till seventies. Then another line of thought in Indian theological thinking came since 1970 concerned itself with the notion of development, poverty or the poor, liberation and the like. It was then the Indian theologians began to take up question of socio- economic justice seriously. As a result, the Indian theological scene then changed considerably and there emerged what is known as Third world theology. The Third World theology with its allegiance to liberation theology seemed relevant to the situation of India, where the majority of the Indian people face the problem of poverty.
The socio- economic realities of India , however, are of different nature. Latin American Liberation theologians have laid more stress on socio- economic and political oppression using Marxist tools of social analysis to uncover the forms of oppression. This, they have done almost to the extent of excluding of all forms of oppression like, race, gender, culture or religion. Hence the use of Marxist analysis of socio-economic realities of the liberation theology is found to be inadequate in India since it neglects the caste factor, which adds complexity to the Indian socio-economic realities. Besides, the treatment of Dalits, in the context of the caste based society is inhuman, despite India's proud heritage of spirituality and the richness of its ancient culture. That is why, Saral K. Chatterji, while speaking about the rationale for a Dalit theology says, "the idea and ideology of caste as well as its morphological aspects, the nature of oppression, and the inherited inequalities perpetuated by it and its persistence through the interaction of social, cultural, religious and economic factors remained neglected in Marxian analysis."
To sum up then, the Indian Christian theology, whether it is the traditional one or the recent Third world Theology has failed to see suffering and the ongoing struggle of Indian Dalits for liberation as a subject matter appropriate for doing theology in India. What is surprising here is the reality that fifty to eighty percent of Christians are of Dalits in origin. That means, the Christian population numbering over 25 millions, about 20 millions are from the Dalit background. In other words, the Indian theologians have virtually ignored the social reality of Indian Church. To put it in another way, the concern for subaltern identity which should have been the major area of theological reflection was not at all pursued in Indian Theological thinking.
WHAT IS DALIT THEOLOGY?
Having looked at the background and the need for a Dalit Theology, it is legitimate to answer the question, what is Dalit theology? This question, according to John Webster , may be answered at least three different ways.
First of all, it is a theology about Dalits or theological reflection upon the Christian responsibility to the depressed classes. Secondly, it is theology for the depressed classes or the message addressed to the dalits to which they seem to be responding. Thirdly, it is a theology from the depressed classes, that is, the theology they would like to expound. Aravind P. Nirmal, who himself is a dalit believes that the authentic dalit theology will be based on their own dalit experiences and their own sufferings, their own aspirations, and their own hopes. It will be the story of their pathos and their protest against the socio- economic injustices they have been subjugated to through out the history.
Abraham Ayrookuzhiel talks of Dalit theology a counter culture in relation to the brahmanical culture that continues to serve the interests of the privileged sections in the society. He believes that dalit theology is a spiritual movement for meaning in life,self fulfillment and freedom.
In other words, Dalit theology is the result of the reflection of Dalit Christians upon the gospel in the light of their own circumstances. From the perspective of a local theology it is "a way of recovering a world-view or way of life that has been blocked by false consciousness on a large scale", especially by the Brahmanic culture.
METHODOLOGY FOR A DALIT THEOLOGY
Dalit theology can be considered as one of the attempts to do theology taking seriously the context of the struggles of the people who are marginalized and oppressed. Like any such local theology it also rejects the assumption that a theology that had been formulated in Europe or America has universal significance and relevant for all places and all times. Instead it starts from the experiences of the struggles of the people against different structures of domination and oppression. So the methodology adopted for dalit theology is quite different from the traditional theology but similar to that of liberation theology and people's theology.
Dalit theology, like liberation theology and people's theology has a social and sociological dimension, an awareness which was very much lacked in the traditional Indian Christian Thinking. Like Classical theology, Traditional Indian Christian theology also gave so much importance to philosophy and the theological truths are understood as a series of prepositions which has to be logical, consistent, coherent and systematic. Moreover, these prepositions are believed to be revealed truths. In other words, the traditional theology was a theology 'from above' grounded in the vertical revelation. However, with the emergence of liberation theologies, sociology has become an important discipline in doing theology. So a shift from philosophy to sociology has occurred. That means, a movement from prepositions to people's experience with all its absurdity, inconsistency, incoherence, unsystematicness became the starting point for doing theology. Thus Dalit theology implies a social and sociological critique of classical theology. It is a movement "from below", as it is interested in the horizontal relations rather than in vertical revelation. In fact, the theological affirmations in Dalit theology are grounded in people's experiences. So the methodological implication of Dalit theology is that it serves the interests of Dalit people.
It is a fair question to ask of any theology: whose interests it serves and why and how? In answer to this question, we must say that Dalit theology serves the interests of Dalit people, because they are an oppressed people. It does this by empowering them for their liberation struggle.
As the liberation theology runs the risk of being so pre-
occupied with socio- economic and political issues, the religio- cultural issues could be completely neglected. So Frank Chikane. a Third World Theologian suggests a comprehensive theory of social analysis to deal with our complex religio- cultural and socio-
economic-political reality. So Dalit theology like other Third World Theologies must include both the religio- cultural and Marxist tools of analysis. Integrating these two models of social analysis into a comprehensive system of social analysis which is capable of capturing any level or any form of oppression in our societies and in the world at large.
Historical consciousness is another dimension for doing Dalit theology. The reason is that, now a days, more and more Dalits are becoming aware of the fact that their deplorable condition is not God- given or by their karma, but man made. So they have begun to question the rationale behind the notion of considering them as untouchable in the Hindu Social order. In fact, the historical consciousness is very much related to their self- identity. Moreover, the historians either in general or particularly church or religious historians never represent the views of Dalits. The awareness of their past history will alone will reveal to them that once they were also fuller human beings enjoying all the benefits of a normal human being. Since the existing views of history or theology are mostly produced by upper caste or Europeans, they represent the view "from above". The commitment to historical project of the powerless makes the non- persons to become persons and agents or subjects of their own history and cease to be the objects of exploitation and manipulated history. It involves a critique of existing ideologies and theological methodologies which are mainly based on caste hierarchy becomes an essential requirement for this theology. Therefore, history from their point of view or "from below" has to be prepared in order to restructure their theology for recovering their lost dignity. Actually, the Dalit people have no written historical traditions. Their histories are oral histories based on oral traditions. Abraham Ayrookuzhiel has pointed out this fact very clearly in one of his articles:
Their history is buried in their folk songs, stories myths, certain extent religious symbols and practices... It is difficult to nurture and strengthen the dalit identity and their struggle for liberation with out the aid of history. At present the masses among them are governed by a mythological consciousness promoted by the Brahamanical religion.
Another important dimension in doing Dalit theology is to affirm people are subject of theologizing and not the object. It seeks to interpret the history and identity of the people theologically, which comes out of the biographies of the suffering people. By people we mean primarily the powerless, the oppressed, the marginalized, the exploited as well as those who struggle to win back and maintain their dignity. Aravind P. Nirmal, therefore, sees Dalit pathos as the epistemological starting point and an important criterion for doing Dalit theology. "It is in and through this pain- pathos the sufferer knows God. This is because the sufferer in and through his/her pain-pathos knows that God participates in human pain." That means, Dalit theology is a way of understanding God in the context of the every day experiences of the ordinary people.
Above all, liberative praxis is the method of Dalit theology. By praxis, we do not mean rejection of theory, rather it should emerge from the practice that is oriented to transformation.
Theory represents a dialectical moment within practice, as does action. Theory's task is to illumine the exact nature of those social relationships. By so doing, theory can point to false and oppressive relationships within the social fabric. This pointing to false and oppressive relationships brings them to awareness, which is the first step toward transforming them.
Therefore Dalit theology is an effort to examine critically and re- interpret the liberative and humanistic values in their culture which have become long forgotten.
DALIT CHRISTOLOGY
In Dalit theology, Dalit Christology is of utmost importance. As a meaningful Christology, Dalit Christology finds its uniqueness as it is developed through the dialectical encounter between the Jesus of faith and the context of the Dalits in which he is experienced. Like Black theology, Dalit theology also affirms faith and praxis of the "dalitness" of God in Jesus Christ. So the Dalit Christology is not produced in class rooms, nor in theological conferences, but in Christian communities, where Jesus is "encountered, experienced and lived". For Dalits, the God whom Jesus Christ revealed and about whom the prophets of the Old Testament spoke is a Dalit God. Thus Dalit theology affirms both divinity and humanity of Jesus in his 'dalitness'. According to Nirmal even the genealogy of Jesus itself is suggestive of his Dalit conditions, despite he, being a Jew. His reference as carpenter's son also is also suggestive of his "dalitness'.
The solidarity of Jesus with the poor and the outcasts finds its Christological symbol in the incarnation. According to George
Soares Prabhu, this particular history of Jesus has been best expressed in the marvelous Johannine sutra (dictum): "The Word became flesh and dwelt among us". For him flesh stands for not only humankind, but solidarity and relatedness. "Flesh stands for the solidarity of humankind, for the fact that humankind is not a collection of individuals, but an organic whole in which what happens to one happens to all"
Nirmal also points out that the title " Son of Man " implies the "dalitness" of Jesus. The group of Son of Man sayings, which are indicative of Jesus' present sufferings and his imminent death is significant for developing a Dalit Christology. These sayings speak specifically of Son of Man as encountering rejection, mockery, contempt, suffering, and finally death. Dalit believes that all these sufferings are from the dominant religious traditions and the established religions. Jesus underwent all these experiences as the prototype of all dalits. So the Christological task of Dalit theology is to bring about a Dalit consciousness, which consists in being aware that their dalit humanity is constituted by their "dalitness".
Yet another noteworthy feature of Jesus' life and ministry is his total identification with the Dalits of his time. The dominant religious leaders accused him of eating and drinking with the publicans, tax collectors and sinners of his day (Mk. 2:15-
16).Dalits believe that Jesus' approach and attitude towards them and the Samaritans, the dalits of his day has demonstrated that Jesus loved and cared for the Dalits. In contrast to the liberation theology, Dalit theology recognizes the total identification of Jesus with the poor, rather than the 'preferential option for the poor.' "...Jesus did not 'opt' for the poor- he identified himself totally with the poor- He was the hungry one, the thirsty, the naked, the imprisoned- he was the dalit."
Besides this, the Dalit theologians firmly believe that the Nazareth Manifesto in the Gospel according to St.Luke is of great significance to Dalit Theology. Here the liberation which Jesus talks is about the liberation of Dalits. The gospel that Jesus brought was the gospel for Dalits and not for non-Dalits, not for Israel.The whole situation changes at Jesus' explosive words and we read, "When they heard this, all in the synagogue were filled with wrath. And they rose up and put him out of the city, and led him to the brow of the hill on which their city was built, that they might throw him down headlong".(Luke 4: 16-29) The Nazareth Manifesto then is really manifesto for dalits.
Jesus' action of cleansing the temple is of great importance for the Dalits in India. If the incident is interpreted in terms of its implication for the gentiles, it makes sense to Indian Dalits who had to struggle a lot for the temple entry rights. Jesus the Messianic King restores to the gentiles their religious rights, which prefigures the Dalits' struggle for prayer and worship rights.
We,the Indian Dalits know what it means to be deemed the entry to the temple and to be denied of the right to pray and worship. Ambedkar and his followers had to agitate for the entry to Kala Temple in Nasik. We know about many such temple entry agitations. In his action of restoration of the Gentile rights to worship, we a pre- figuration of the vindication of the Indian Dalit struggle for their prayer and worship rights.
The God who revealed in Jesus Christ is also a servant -God - a God who serves.
This God is a Dalit God, a servant God, who does not create others to do servile work, but does work himself. Servitude is innate in the God of Dalits. Servitude is svadharma of our God, and hence we the Indian Dalits are this God's people, service has been our lot and privilege.
The Gospel writers identified Jesus with the suffering servant of Isaiah. Since the service of others has been the privilege of Dalit communities in India, the Christology of a suffering servant is very much relevant in Dalit Christology. Therefore, to speak of a servant God is to recognize him and identify as a true Dalit deity.
Our housemaid or the sweeper who cleans commodes and latrines are truly speaking our servants. Do we realize that? Let us be prepared for further shock. Are we prepared to say that my house-maid, my sweeper, my bhangi is my God? He is waiter, a dhobi. Traditionally all such services have been the lot of dalits.
It can be very well mentioned that all people's theologies recognize this model of Christ as the servant in their Christology. Christ, the servant is seen and affirmed in the faces of the poor. "The servant God is the righteous one who accepted humiliation and suffering for God's sake"
Above all, Jesus' dalitness is symbolized at its best on the cross. On the cross he was broken, the crushed, the split, the torn, the driven - the dalit, in the fullest possible etymological meaning of the term. The cross is no arbitrary intrusion in the life of Jesus. It is the natural outcome of a life of solidarity with the poor and the outcasts and of the confrontation with the powerful who oppress them. "He (Jesus) hung on the cross not on behalf of the victims, but himself a victim, in solidarity with all victim people of all ages." In the thought provoking article, "Outside the Gate, Sharing the Insult", Samuel Rayan remarks that Jesus suffered outside the camp in order to disclose, proclaim and affirm the inborn dignity and native purity of all our castes.
So Jesus suffered outside the gate to sanctify the people with his own blood (Heb 13: 11-12). This is a witness of special interest and relevance to our situation... The Christian witness is that Jesus in his suffering, life and death does not belong with the holy city, its nobility, purity, and orthodoxy. He belongs to the realm of outside; he belongs to the region of carcasses and of defilement, which is a realistic description of the life of many outcast group... He suffered as an outcast....
The high point of Dalit experience and Jesus' experience on the cross is the experience of godforsakenness. The Son of God feels that he is forsaken when he cried aloud from the cross, "My God, My God why hast thou forsaken me". Jesus shares in the historical experience of godforsakenness true of all Dalits. The history of Dalits shows little or no evidence of God's love or concern, justice, presence or existence. Truly the being God- forsakenness is the heart of the experience and consciousness of India's millions of untouchable. It is none other than the Dalitness of the divinity and humanity of Jesus that the cross symbolizes. As it is firmly rooted in the humanity of Jesus, it is meant for the whole of humanity. and not simply to the Dalits alone.
The resurrected Jesus who gives the hope for a bright future encounters the Dalits in their day to day experiences. No Christian faith is possible in India today without the identification with them and commitment to their resurrection from the tombs in which they are now held, guarded by the musclemen of the ruling classes according to the law and otherwise.
God's divinity and his humanity are both characterized by his dalitness. He is one with the broken. He suffers when his people suffer. He weeps when his people weep. He laughs when his people laugh. He dies in his people's death and raised again in his people's resurrection
On the whole, the Dalit Christology is a paradigm of humiliation and suffering reflected in the life of the poor. Here Jesus is seen as a historical figure, rather than a dogmatic figure. Dalit Christology shares the views of all other people's theologies.
Theology by the people implies a Christology which sees the Lord in the frail and ugly specter of human existence and Christology is not understood in terms of power, but in terms of what is humble and frailly human. But such theology is also a call to make sacrifices on behalf of the poor and the weak. Power is seen in acts of love, not in status.
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE DALIT THEOLOGY
Dalit theology, which is being taken shape in India can be considered as one of the attempts to do a local theology taking seriously the context of struggles of the people who are marginalized and oppressed, reflecting on their struggles for liberation from the structures which marginalize them. It is very much committed to the liberation and humanization of the Dalits, the most oppressed of India. It is understood as the systematic reflection on the liberating and humanizing actions done by and on behalf of the oppressed, which becomes the mediation as well as the sacrament of God's saving action in history. Its concern is not mainly what would happen to the soul after the death, but what happens to the human being to have their human dignity and honor as anybody else.
Dalit theology not only shows a relevant perspective for doing a local theology, but also questions the so- called neutral philosophical perspectives of theology. It exhibits its conflict with the elite perspective, which justifies the status quo, that leads to exploitation and oppression.
Dalit Theology is a "theology from the underside of history" That means, this is based on the discernment that the theological reflection should be done from the perspective of those who are victims of domination and oppression. It is clearly an attempt to give voice to the voiceless of the Indian society. That is why, it provides a paradigm for assessing the signs of the times. The irruption of the poor and the oppressed is one of the greatest signs of the times. It is also the time of the irruption of God in history to establish his reign and righteousness. It is needless to say that no theology can be done today ignoring the signs of the time. In his preface to one of Gutierrez's books The Power of the Poor in History Robert Mc Affee Brown gives the salient feature of such a theology from a Latin American context.
This is not a theology created by the intelligentsia, the affluent, the powerful, those on the top. It is a theology from the bottom, from the underside of history created by the victims, the poor and the oppressed. It is not a theology spun out in a series of principles of timeless truths that are applied to the contemporary scene, but a theology springing out of poverty oppression, the heartrending conditions under which the great majority of Latin Americans live.
Moreover, Dalit theology affirms the Biblical faith that the poor are today's suffering servants, today's "crucified peoples". Their sufferings sheds light on the evil and injustices prevalent today in the religion and society and condemns them. Their struggle for a full human life and dignity announces the hope of a new world, the redeemed humanity. Despite the fact that Dalits are India's suffering servants and crucified people, their theology calls for an "obligatory solidarity" with the poor of the whole world, a necessary task in doing theology today.
Dalit theology as a local theology differs very much from the missionary theology which is evangelistic in nature and aimed at the conversion of Dalits to Christianity from their original religion. The teachings of the missionaries in India provided only a half salvation to the Christians. It was a half salvation, because in it no effort was taken to relate the teachings of Christian faith to the real life of the people. But Dalit theology seeks to help the Dalits to live in solidarity with their fellow Dalits despite the religious background. Since it assumes religious pluralism of our context, it not only helps the Christian Dalits but also shares a common ideology with other Dalits in their common struggle for liberation, justice and dignity.
Further, Dalit theology shows a radical discontinuity with the Indian Christian Theology of the Brahmanical tradition. In this case Dalit theology is a counter theology in relation to other dominant theologies. The dominant theologies are considered to be normative and therefore imposed upon the oppressed. As the Brahmanic theological tradition is the dominant one, it has been imposed upon Dalits who are the Christian majority.
CONCLUSION
The growing interest in Dalit theology has raised number of questions. Is not Christian theology common for all Christians irrespective of caste, color, and different historical contexts in which Christians find themselves? Are we not in danger of creating divisions and encouraging polarizations, thereby endangering Christian unity by speaking about Dalit theology? Would we then accept Non- Dalits to develop a Non-Dalit theology? Although we cannot give a satisfactory answer to these questions, it is evident from the above discussions that Dalit theology is not meant to reject the known expressions or its usefulness. Rather, it is another expression of Indian Christian theology based on the living experience of Dalit themselves, which have been neglected in the earlier Indian Christian Theology. It comes as a powerful voice from the Dalit people in their language and for the service of the people. As a contextual theology it seeks to confront situations of oppression perpetuated by the dominant religious traditions without neglecting the ecumenical concern for one human community. As a matter of fact, an active commitment to peace and justice becomes an integral concern of this theological enterprise. It can also provide an opportunity for the non- Dalits a repentance of their past participation either directly or indirectly in the unjust structures, practices and attitudes produced and nurtured by the caste system.
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
Articles:
Abraham, K.C. "Emerging Concerns in Third World Theology",
Bangalore Theological Forum Vol. XXVI, No.3 & 4(Sept and Dec, 1994) pp. 3-14.
Chikane, Frank. "EATWOT and Third World Theologies: An Evaluation of the Past and the Present", in Third World Theologies:
Commonalities and Divergences edited by K.C.Abraham Maryknoll: Orbis Press, 1990, pp.147 -149.
Massey, James A. "Scheduled Caste: A Special Reference to Scheduled Caste Origin", Religion and Society Vol. XXXXVIII, No.3
(March, 1991) pp.30 -38.
Mosse, David. " The Politics of Religious Synthesis: Roman
Catholicism and Hindu Village Society in Tamilnadu, India" in
Syncretism/ Anti-syncretism: The Politics of Religious Synthesis, edited by Charles Stewart and Rosalind Shaw, New York: Routledge, 1994, pp.85- 107.
Prabhu, George Soares. "Jesus of Faith: A Christological
Contribution", in Spirituality of the Third World edited by
K.C.Abraham and Bernadett Mbuy-Beya. Maryknoll: Orbis Press, 1994, pp. 139 -164.
Pero, Albert. "Black Lutheran and American" in Theology and the
Black Experience, edited by Albert Pero and Ambrose Moyo.
Minneapolis: Ausberg Press, 1988.
Rayan, Samuel. "Outside the Gate, Sharing the Insult", in Leave the Temple: Indian Paths to Human Liberation. edited by Wilfred Felix. Maryknoll: Orbis Press, 1992. pp.131 -150.
Schreiter, Robert J. "The community as theologian" in Selected
Reading: Vol.III, prepared by Steve Bevans for Theology and
Community, Chicago Theological Union, 1995. pp.1 -15.
Wolf, C.U. "Poor" in Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, New
York: Abingdon Press, 1962. pp 841 -843.
BOOKS
Amritham, Samuel and John S Pobee. Theology by the People, Geneva: World Council of Churches, 1992.
Ayrookuzhiel, Abraham A.M. (Ed). The Dalit Desiyata: The Kerala
Experience in Development and Class Struggle, New Delhi: ISPCK, 1990.
Carvlaho, A.A. Dalit People: A Socio- Political Survey of the Caste Oppressed, Baroda: Shreyan Publications, 1975.
Ellenor, Zeallot. From Untouchable to Dalit, New Delhi: ISPCK,
1972.
Fabella, Virginia and Sergio Torres. Irruption of the Third world :A Challenge to Theology, Maryknool: Orbis Press, 1993.
Guitierrez, Gustavo. The Power of the Poor in History, London: SCM Press, 1983.
Irudayaraj, Xavier S.J. Emerging Dalit Theology, Madras: Jesuit
Theological Secratariate, 1990.
Massey, James (Ed.). Indigenous People: Dalits -Dalits Issues in
Today's Theological Debate, New Delhi: ISPCK, 1994.
Roots: A Concise History of Dalits, New Delhi:
ISPCK. 1994.
Towards a Dalit Hermeneutics: Reading the Text, the History and the Literature, New Delhi:ISPCK, 1994.
Nirmal, Aravind P. (Ed.). A Reader in Dalit Theology, Madras:
Gurukul Lutheran Theological College and Research Institute, n/d.
Ed. Towards a Common Dalit Ideology, Madras:
Gurukul Lutheran Theological College and Research Institute, n/d.
Prabhakar, M.E. (ed.) Towards a Dalit Theology, New Delhi:
Printsman, 1990.
Schreiter, Robert J. Constructing Local Theologies Maryknoll: Orbis Books, 1985.
Tamez, Elsa. Bible of the Oppressed, Maryknool: Orbis Press, 1982.
Webster, John C.B. The Dalit Christians: A History, New Delhi: ISPCK. 1990.
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If you have any comment or questions about the above written article, please pass it to George Thekkanal . The author is a pastor in CSI Congregation, Chicago and also a student in Lutheran Theological College, Chicago.
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INTRODUCTION
The emergence of dalit theology in India can be considered as a significant event in the history of Indian Christian thinking as it is very much related to the historical experiences of an oppressed and down trodden people. It can be conceived in the context of the struggles of a community against casteism and their continued aspirations for social justice both in church and society. However, the immediate concern for formulating a Dalit theology emerged within the Christian Dalit Liberation movement. So the sources and process of Dalit Theology lay in the agony and sufferings of Dalits in their search for self identity, equality and their search for a meaningful life in the community. K.C. Abraham, the President of Ecumenical Association for the Third World Theologians rightly points out:
Dalit Theology emerges out of the attempt in their seeking a new identity for themselves based on their past religions and cultures which had been suppressed or destroyed by dominant communities. In their struggle against historical as well as contemporary process of domination, the dalits and indigenous groups became conscious of their identity as people.
It is to be remembered that the inspiration drawn from the struggles of the blacks and black theology movement in the U S A and the people's theology in Korea were mainly instrumental for pioneering a dalit theology in India. Although the Christian Dalits form only a small portion of the Dalit community as a whole, the task of theologizing by them will provide for them in their struggle the motivating force to liberate themselves in solidarity with all other dalits across their religious and sub caste loyalties.
WHO ARE THE DALITS?
The social structure of India is stratified, with in built inequalities and injustices, based on the caste- system sanctified by Brahmanic -Hinduism. Although social stratification exist in almost all societies, the caste system is quite unique to the Indian society. Sanctioned by the religio-philosophical system, the Dalits are socially placed outside the four-fold caste system and they are referred to as the fifth caste ( panchamas ), even when they live as outcasts. Dalits are differentiated from the lowest strata of other societies with regard to their stigma of untouchability. "The Dalits form the inner core of poverty, which is birth ascribed. They have been excluded from the caste system (social hierarchy), hence out-castes; declared ritually unclean, hence untouchable; and pushed out for fear of pollution to live on the outskirts of villages, hence segregated." In fact, Dalits have been the most degraded, downtrodden, exploited and the least educated in our society. They have been socially and culturally, economically and politically subjugated and marginalized through three thousand years of our history.
However, the Dalits in India are believed to be the ancient Dravidian race, the original people of India. We can say that they only introduced culture in India. They were the owners of all property. The Aryans, a series of related and highly self conscious tribes sharing a common language and religion, began their invasions of India from the Northwest around 1500 B.C. If a king wins a battle in the neighboring country, he makes the loser king and his people as slaves and snatches all their properties. Here also, the Aryans snatched away all their properties and kept them aside branding them as out-caste. So the dominant view traces the origins of both caste and untouchability to the Aryans themselves and to their ways of relating to the original peoples of India with whom they came into contact with. Untouchablity and segregation are resulted due to the Brahmin supremacy among the Dravidian races. The Dravidian race was initially casteless and had horizontal ethnic divisions and clan groups which under Brahmanization became vertically graded and ritually ranked by the principle of purity- pollution.
According to James Massey, the term "Dalit" is perhaps, one of the most ancient terms which has not only survived till date, but is also shared by a few of world's oldest languages, namely, Hebrew and Sanskrit. Though they differ in their grammatical and lexicographical connotations, both these languages share the term "Dalit" with the same root and sense. It has been said that the root word 'dal' in dalit has been borrowed into Sanskrit from Hebrew. The biblical root of word Dalit is "dall". The word 'Dall" is a verb which means, to hang down,to be languid, to be weakened, be low, be feeble. Massey also says that almost all English translations of the Bible have rendered these Hebrew expressions with the same meaning and various other translations, including Indian languages have followed the same English sense and meaning. Elza Tamez, a liberation theologian, while listing the major Hebrew terms used for "poor", has also included "dal". According to her "dal" is used in two senses: it may refer either to physical weakness or to lowly, insignificant position in the society. C.U. Wolf, in his essay on the term "Poor", which he contributed to the Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, makes the Hebrew term more clear. For him, they are those whose prosperity and social status have been reduced. In physical strength and in psychological ability they are impaired and helpless. In other words, "dal" or "dalit" people are not only economically or physically poor or weak, they are also poor in their psychological ability and their being has been impaired to such an extent that they have become helpless. That is why Massey says, "this Hebrew term denotes a much deeper side of the state of the people known as Dalit, which cannot be covered by a simplistic term, "poor". "Dalit" in Sanskrit is both noun and adjective. As a noun dalit can be used for all three genders - masculine, feminine and neuter. It has been accepted in Sanskrit also with root 'Dal' which means to crack, split, be broken or torn asunder, trodden down, scattered, crushed or destroyed. Some of the regional languages, including Hindi Dictionaries have included in the list of meanings, which also refer to a section of people, who have suffered oppression through out the history because of the accepted religious and social norms.
The term "Dalit" in the Indian context has been used from ancient times, but not very much. Actually the present usage of this term started since nineteenth century. The original usage of this term with its unique meaning was done by Jyotirao Phule (1827 -1890), a renowned backward class social reformer to describe the untouchable and outcasts as the oppressed and broken victims of Hindu Society. Thus dalit can be considered as a title, which dalits have given to themselves, to describe as people and to denote their real state of deprivation. But it was during the 1970's that the followers of Dalit Panther Movement gave currency to the term "Dalit" as a constant reminder of the age-old oppression, denoting both their state of deprivation and as the people who are oppressed. According to Barbara Joshi, the title Dalit has become a positive assertive expression of pride in untouchable heritage and a rejection of their oppression. As a matter of fact, many Dalits today prefer to call themselves as dalits because this term is not a name or a title for them but it is an expression of hope for them to recover their past self- identity. Today this term is used frequently and has become popular among dalit people of various protest movements of our country. As the uniqueness of blacks comes from what has been called the black condition or black experience, so also the uniqueness of dalits come from their "dalitness" or dalit experience.
In short, the basic meaning of the term dalit is not poor or outcast, it really denotes the state to which a certain section of the people have been reduced through systematic religious process and now they are forced to continue to live in that predicament. They are outcast and poor, because they are according to the architect of the system cannot be fit to be included in the fourfold graded caste structure of our society. On the basis of this status, they were made to bear the extreme kinds of disabilities in the form of oppression for centuries, which made them almost lose their humanness and finally they reached the state of being a 'no- people'."
WHY DALIT THEOLOGY?
What is the need for a Dalit theology, apart from Indian Christian theology? In order to answer this question adequately, it is better to analyze the dominant trends that have prevailed in Indian theological thinking. It is an accepted fact that the roots of Indian Christian theology lie in the experiences of mostly upper class/ caste Christian converts of this century and last century. In fact, Indian christian theology is very much attached to the Brahmanical culture and ideology. For many of the Indian Christian theologians, cultural contextuality meant adjustment to the dominant ethos and even to such structures as caste. The vedas, upanishads, and their renowned commentators exercised a great deal of influence on these theologians. These thinkers and their experiences were very much different from the majority of Christians, who were poor and belonged to the lower strata of the society. J.C. Duraisingh and K.C.Abraham in their evaluation of New Delhi EATWOT conference (1981) from an Asian perspective observe: We, in Asia are prone to the danger of romanticizing the ancient religions and accepting them uncritically, while knowing that they have been used to exploit masses and to protect the vested interests of the high and the mighty, These religions have used to silence the masses and make them accept passively their suffering, resorting to otherworldly flight from reality.
Consequently, the theological thinking in India has been alienated from the reality of the masses, especially, from the Christian community, the majority of whom are dalits and tribals. "It is a well-known fact that the majority of Christians come from the lower strata of the society, that is, from across the borderline between caste and no-caste. What is missing from Indian Christian theology is the experiences of these lowliest people." Aravind P. Nirmal one of the pioneers in Christian Dalit theology had made the same kind of observation in one of his articles in the early seventies:
Broadly speaking, Indian Christian theology in the past has tried to work out its theological systems in terms of either Advaita Vedanta or Vishista Advaita. Most of the contributions to Indian Christian theology in the past came from caste converts to Christianity. The result has been that Indian Christian Theology has perpetuated within itself what I prefer to call the " Brahminic" tradition. This tradition has further perpetuated intuition- inferiority oriented approach to the theological task in India. One wonders whether this kind of Indian christian theology will ever have a mass appeal.
The situation did not change till seventies. Then another line of thought in Indian theological thinking came since 1970 concerned itself with the notion of development, poverty or the poor, liberation and the like. It was then the Indian theologians began to take up question of socio- economic justice seriously. As a result, the Indian theological scene then changed considerably and there emerged what is known as Third world theology. The Third World theology with its allegiance to liberation theology seemed relevant to the situation of India, where the majority of the Indian people face the problem of poverty.
The socio- economic realities of India , however, are of different nature. Latin American Liberation theologians have laid more stress on socio- economic and political oppression using Marxist tools of social analysis to uncover the forms of oppression. This, they have done almost to the extent of excluding of all forms of oppression like, race, gender, culture or religion. Hence the use of Marxist analysis of socio-economic realities of the liberation theology is found to be inadequate in India since it neglects the caste factor, which adds complexity to the Indian socio-economic realities. Besides, the treatment of Dalits, in the context of the caste based society is inhuman, despite India's proud heritage of spirituality and the richness of its ancient culture. That is why, Saral K. Chatterji, while speaking about the rationale for a Dalit theology says, "the idea and ideology of caste as well as its morphological aspects, the nature of oppression, and the inherited inequalities perpetuated by it and its persistence through the interaction of social, cultural, religious and economic factors remained neglected in Marxian analysis."
To sum up then, the Indian Christian theology, whether it is the traditional one or the recent Third world Theology has failed to see suffering and the ongoing struggle of Indian Dalits for liberation as a subject matter appropriate for doing theology in India. What is surprising here is the reality that fifty to eighty percent of Christians are of Dalits in origin. That means, the Christian population numbering over 25 millions, about 20 millions are from the Dalit background. In other words, the Indian theologians have virtually ignored the social reality of Indian Church. To put it in another way, the concern for subaltern identity which should have been the major area of theological reflection was not at all pursued in Indian Theological thinking.
WHAT IS DALIT THEOLOGY?
Having looked at the background and the need for a Dalit Theology, it is legitimate to answer the question, what is Dalit theology? This question, according to John Webster , may be answered at least three different ways.
First of all, it is a theology about Dalits or theological reflection upon the Christian responsibility to the depressed classes. Secondly, it is theology for the depressed classes or the message addressed to the dalits to which they seem to be responding. Thirdly, it is a theology from the depressed classes, that is, the theology they would like to expound. Aravind P. Nirmal, who himself is a dalit believes that the authentic dalit theology will be based on their own dalit experiences and their own sufferings, their own aspirations, and their own hopes. It will be the story of their pathos and their protest against the socio- economic injustices they have been subjugated to through out the history.
Abraham Ayrookuzhiel talks of Dalit theology a counter culture in relation to the brahmanical culture that continues to serve the interests of the privileged sections in the society. He believes that dalit theology is a spiritual movement for meaning in life,self fulfillment and freedom.
In other words, Dalit theology is the result of the reflection of Dalit Christians upon the gospel in the light of their own circumstances. From the perspective of a local theology it is "a way of recovering a world-view or way of life that has been blocked by false consciousness on a large scale", especially by the Brahmanic culture.
METHODOLOGY FOR A DALIT THEOLOGY
Dalit theology can be considered as one of the attempts to do theology taking seriously the context of the struggles of the people who are marginalized and oppressed. Like any such local theology it also rejects the assumption that a theology that had been formulated in Europe or America has universal significance and relevant for all places and all times. Instead it starts from the experiences of the struggles of the people against different structures of domination and oppression. So the methodology adopted for dalit theology is quite different from the traditional theology but similar to that of liberation theology and people's theology.
Dalit theology, like liberation theology and people's theology has a social and sociological dimension, an awareness which was very much lacked in the traditional Indian Christian Thinking. Like Classical theology, Traditional Indian Christian theology also gave so much importance to philosophy and the theological truths are understood as a series of prepositions which has to be logical, consistent, coherent and systematic. Moreover, these prepositions are believed to be revealed truths. In other words, the traditional theology was a theology 'from above' grounded in the vertical revelation. However, with the emergence of liberation theologies, sociology has become an important discipline in doing theology. So a shift from philosophy to sociology has occurred. That means, a movement from prepositions to people's experience with all its absurdity, inconsistency, incoherence, unsystematicness became the starting point for doing theology. Thus Dalit theology implies a social and sociological critique of classical theology. It is a movement "from below", as it is interested in the horizontal relations rather than in vertical revelation. In fact, the theological affirmations in Dalit theology are grounded in people's experiences. So the methodological implication of Dalit theology is that it serves the interests of Dalit people.
It is a fair question to ask of any theology: whose interests it serves and why and how? In answer to this question, we must say that Dalit theology serves the interests of Dalit people, because they are an oppressed people. It does this by empowering them for their liberation struggle.
As the liberation theology runs the risk of being so pre-
occupied with socio- economic and political issues, the religio- cultural issues could be completely neglected. So Frank Chikane. a Third World Theologian suggests a comprehensive theory of social analysis to deal with our complex religio- cultural and socio-
economic-political reality. So Dalit theology like other Third World Theologies must include both the religio- cultural and Marxist tools of analysis. Integrating these two models of social analysis into a comprehensive system of social analysis which is capable of capturing any level or any form of oppression in our societies and in the world at large.
Historical consciousness is another dimension for doing Dalit theology. The reason is that, now a days, more and more Dalits are becoming aware of the fact that their deplorable condition is not God- given or by their karma, but man made. So they have begun to question the rationale behind the notion of considering them as untouchable in the Hindu Social order. In fact, the historical consciousness is very much related to their self- identity. Moreover, the historians either in general or particularly church or religious historians never represent the views of Dalits. The awareness of their past history will alone will reveal to them that once they were also fuller human beings enjoying all the benefits of a normal human being. Since the existing views of history or theology are mostly produced by upper caste or Europeans, they represent the view "from above". The commitment to historical project of the powerless makes the non- persons to become persons and agents or subjects of their own history and cease to be the objects of exploitation and manipulated history. It involves a critique of existing ideologies and theological methodologies which are mainly based on caste hierarchy becomes an essential requirement for this theology. Therefore, history from their point of view or "from below" has to be prepared in order to restructure their theology for recovering their lost dignity. Actually, the Dalit people have no written historical traditions. Their histories are oral histories based on oral traditions. Abraham Ayrookuzhiel has pointed out this fact very clearly in one of his articles:
Their history is buried in their folk songs, stories myths, certain extent religious symbols and practices... It is difficult to nurture and strengthen the dalit identity and their struggle for liberation with out the aid of history. At present the masses among them are governed by a mythological consciousness promoted by the Brahamanical religion.
Another important dimension in doing Dalit theology is to affirm people are subject of theologizing and not the object. It seeks to interpret the history and identity of the people theologically, which comes out of the biographies of the suffering people. By people we mean primarily the powerless, the oppressed, the marginalized, the exploited as well as those who struggle to win back and maintain their dignity. Aravind P. Nirmal, therefore, sees Dalit pathos as the epistemological starting point and an important criterion for doing Dalit theology. "It is in and through this pain- pathos the sufferer knows God. This is because the sufferer in and through his/her pain-pathos knows that God participates in human pain." That means, Dalit theology is a way of understanding God in the context of the every day experiences of the ordinary people.
Above all, liberative praxis is the method of Dalit theology. By praxis, we do not mean rejection of theory, rather it should emerge from the practice that is oriented to transformation.
Theory represents a dialectical moment within practice, as does action. Theory's task is to illumine the exact nature of those social relationships. By so doing, theory can point to false and oppressive relationships within the social fabric. This pointing to false and oppressive relationships brings them to awareness, which is the first step toward transforming them.
Therefore Dalit theology is an effort to examine critically and re- interpret the liberative and humanistic values in their culture which have become long forgotten.
DALIT CHRISTOLOGY
In Dalit theology, Dalit Christology is of utmost importance. As a meaningful Christology, Dalit Christology finds its uniqueness as it is developed through the dialectical encounter between the Jesus of faith and the context of the Dalits in which he is experienced. Like Black theology, Dalit theology also affirms faith and praxis of the "dalitness" of God in Jesus Christ. So the Dalit Christology is not produced in class rooms, nor in theological conferences, but in Christian communities, where Jesus is "encountered, experienced and lived". For Dalits, the God whom Jesus Christ revealed and about whom the prophets of the Old Testament spoke is a Dalit God. Thus Dalit theology affirms both divinity and humanity of Jesus in his 'dalitness'. According to Nirmal even the genealogy of Jesus itself is suggestive of his Dalit conditions, despite he, being a Jew. His reference as carpenter's son also is also suggestive of his "dalitness'.
The solidarity of Jesus with the poor and the outcasts finds its Christological symbol in the incarnation. According to George
Soares Prabhu, this particular history of Jesus has been best expressed in the marvelous Johannine sutra (dictum): "The Word became flesh and dwelt among us". For him flesh stands for not only humankind, but solidarity and relatedness. "Flesh stands for the solidarity of humankind, for the fact that humankind is not a collection of individuals, but an organic whole in which what happens to one happens to all"
Nirmal also points out that the title " Son of Man " implies the "dalitness" of Jesus. The group of Son of Man sayings, which are indicative of Jesus' present sufferings and his imminent death is significant for developing a Dalit Christology. These sayings speak specifically of Son of Man as encountering rejection, mockery, contempt, suffering, and finally death. Dalit believes that all these sufferings are from the dominant religious traditions and the established religions. Jesus underwent all these experiences as the prototype of all dalits. So the Christological task of Dalit theology is to bring about a Dalit consciousness, which consists in being aware that their dalit humanity is constituted by their "dalitness".
Yet another noteworthy feature of Jesus' life and ministry is his total identification with the Dalits of his time. The dominant religious leaders accused him of eating and drinking with the publicans, tax collectors and sinners of his day (Mk. 2:15-
16).Dalits believe that Jesus' approach and attitude towards them and the Samaritans, the dalits of his day has demonstrated that Jesus loved and cared for the Dalits. In contrast to the liberation theology, Dalit theology recognizes the total identification of Jesus with the poor, rather than the 'preferential option for the poor.' "...Jesus did not 'opt' for the poor- he identified himself totally with the poor- He was the hungry one, the thirsty, the naked, the imprisoned- he was the dalit."
Besides this, the Dalit theologians firmly believe that the Nazareth Manifesto in the Gospel according to St.Luke is of great significance to Dalit Theology. Here the liberation which Jesus talks is about the liberation of Dalits. The gospel that Jesus brought was the gospel for Dalits and not for non-Dalits, not for Israel.The whole situation changes at Jesus' explosive words and we read, "When they heard this, all in the synagogue were filled with wrath. And they rose up and put him out of the city, and led him to the brow of the hill on which their city was built, that they might throw him down headlong".(Luke 4: 16-29) The Nazareth Manifesto then is really manifesto for dalits.
Jesus' action of cleansing the temple is of great importance for the Dalits in India. If the incident is interpreted in terms of its implication for the gentiles, it makes sense to Indian Dalits who had to struggle a lot for the temple entry rights. Jesus the Messianic King restores to the gentiles their religious rights, which prefigures the Dalits' struggle for prayer and worship rights.
We,the Indian Dalits know what it means to be deemed the entry to the temple and to be denied of the right to pray and worship. Ambedkar and his followers had to agitate for the entry to Kala Temple in Nasik. We know about many such temple entry agitations. In his action of restoration of the Gentile rights to worship, we a pre- figuration of the vindication of the Indian Dalit struggle for their prayer and worship rights.
The God who revealed in Jesus Christ is also a servant -God - a God who serves.
This God is a Dalit God, a servant God, who does not create others to do servile work, but does work himself. Servitude is innate in the God of Dalits. Servitude is svadharma of our God, and hence we the Indian Dalits are this God's people, service has been our lot and privilege.
The Gospel writers identified Jesus with the suffering servant of Isaiah. Since the service of others has been the privilege of Dalit communities in India, the Christology of a suffering servant is very much relevant in Dalit Christology. Therefore, to speak of a servant God is to recognize him and identify as a true Dalit deity.
Our housemaid or the sweeper who cleans commodes and latrines are truly speaking our servants. Do we realize that? Let us be prepared for further shock. Are we prepared to say that my house-maid, my sweeper, my bhangi is my God? He is waiter, a dhobi. Traditionally all such services have been the lot of dalits.
It can be very well mentioned that all people's theologies recognize this model of Christ as the servant in their Christology. Christ, the servant is seen and affirmed in the faces of the poor. "The servant God is the righteous one who accepted humiliation and suffering for God's sake"
Above all, Jesus' dalitness is symbolized at its best on the cross. On the cross he was broken, the crushed, the split, the torn, the driven - the dalit, in the fullest possible etymological meaning of the term. The cross is no arbitrary intrusion in the life of Jesus. It is the natural outcome of a life of solidarity with the poor and the outcasts and of the confrontation with the powerful who oppress them. "He (Jesus) hung on the cross not on behalf of the victims, but himself a victim, in solidarity with all victim people of all ages." In the thought provoking article, "Outside the Gate, Sharing the Insult", Samuel Rayan remarks that Jesus suffered outside the camp in order to disclose, proclaim and affirm the inborn dignity and native purity of all our castes.
So Jesus suffered outside the gate to sanctify the people with his own blood (Heb 13: 11-12). This is a witness of special interest and relevance to our situation... The Christian witness is that Jesus in his suffering, life and death does not belong with the holy city, its nobility, purity, and orthodoxy. He belongs to the realm of outside; he belongs to the region of carcasses and of defilement, which is a realistic description of the life of many outcast group... He suffered as an outcast....
The high point of Dalit experience and Jesus' experience on the cross is the experience of godforsakenness. The Son of God feels that he is forsaken when he cried aloud from the cross, "My God, My God why hast thou forsaken me". Jesus shares in the historical experience of godforsakenness true of all Dalits. The history of Dalits shows little or no evidence of God's love or concern, justice, presence or existence. Truly the being God- forsakenness is the heart of the experience and consciousness of India's millions of untouchable. It is none other than the Dalitness of the divinity and humanity of Jesus that the cross symbolizes. As it is firmly rooted in the humanity of Jesus, it is meant for the whole of humanity. and not simply to the Dalits alone.
The resurrected Jesus who gives the hope for a bright future encounters the Dalits in their day to day experiences. No Christian faith is possible in India today without the identification with them and commitment to their resurrection from the tombs in which they are now held, guarded by the musclemen of the ruling classes according to the law and otherwise.
God's divinity and his humanity are both characterized by his dalitness. He is one with the broken. He suffers when his people suffer. He weeps when his people weep. He laughs when his people laugh. He dies in his people's death and raised again in his people's resurrection
On the whole, the Dalit Christology is a paradigm of humiliation and suffering reflected in the life of the poor. Here Jesus is seen as a historical figure, rather than a dogmatic figure. Dalit Christology shares the views of all other people's theologies.
Theology by the people implies a Christology which sees the Lord in the frail and ugly specter of human existence and Christology is not understood in terms of power, but in terms of what is humble and frailly human. But such theology is also a call to make sacrifices on behalf of the poor and the weak. Power is seen in acts of love, not in status.
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE DALIT THEOLOGY
Dalit theology, which is being taken shape in India can be considered as one of the attempts to do a local theology taking seriously the context of struggles of the people who are marginalized and oppressed, reflecting on their struggles for liberation from the structures which marginalize them. It is very much committed to the liberation and humanization of the Dalits, the most oppressed of India. It is understood as the systematic reflection on the liberating and humanizing actions done by and on behalf of the oppressed, which becomes the mediation as well as the sacrament of God's saving action in history. Its concern is not mainly what would happen to the soul after the death, but what happens to the human being to have their human dignity and honor as anybody else.
Dalit theology not only shows a relevant perspective for doing a local theology, but also questions the so- called neutral philosophical perspectives of theology. It exhibits its conflict with the elite perspective, which justifies the status quo, that leads to exploitation and oppression.
Dalit Theology is a "theology from the underside of history" That means, this is based on the discernment that the theological reflection should be done from the perspective of those who are victims of domination and oppression. It is clearly an attempt to give voice to the voiceless of the Indian society. That is why, it provides a paradigm for assessing the signs of the times. The irruption of the poor and the oppressed is one of the greatest signs of the times. It is also the time of the irruption of God in history to establish his reign and righteousness. It is needless to say that no theology can be done today ignoring the signs of the time. In his preface to one of Gutierrez's books The Power of the Poor in History Robert Mc Affee Brown gives the salient feature of such a theology from a Latin American context.
This is not a theology created by the intelligentsia, the affluent, the powerful, those on the top. It is a theology from the bottom, from the underside of history created by the victims, the poor and the oppressed. It is not a theology spun out in a series of principles of timeless truths that are applied to the contemporary scene, but a theology springing out of poverty oppression, the heartrending conditions under which the great majority of Latin Americans live.
Moreover, Dalit theology affirms the Biblical faith that the poor are today's suffering servants, today's "crucified peoples". Their sufferings sheds light on the evil and injustices prevalent today in the religion and society and condemns them. Their struggle for a full human life and dignity announces the hope of a new world, the redeemed humanity. Despite the fact that Dalits are India's suffering servants and crucified people, their theology calls for an "obligatory solidarity" with the poor of the whole world, a necessary task in doing theology today.
Dalit theology as a local theology differs very much from the missionary theology which is evangelistic in nature and aimed at the conversion of Dalits to Christianity from their original religion. The teachings of the missionaries in India provided only a half salvation to the Christians. It was a half salvation, because in it no effort was taken to relate the teachings of Christian faith to the real life of the people. But Dalit theology seeks to help the Dalits to live in solidarity with their fellow Dalits despite the religious background. Since it assumes religious pluralism of our context, it not only helps the Christian Dalits but also shares a common ideology with other Dalits in their common struggle for liberation, justice and dignity.
Further, Dalit theology shows a radical discontinuity with the Indian Christian Theology of the Brahmanical tradition. In this case Dalit theology is a counter theology in relation to other dominant theologies. The dominant theologies are considered to be normative and therefore imposed upon the oppressed. As the Brahmanic theological tradition is the dominant one, it has been imposed upon Dalits who are the Christian majority.
CONCLUSION
The growing interest in Dalit theology has raised number of questions. Is not Christian theology common for all Christians irrespective of caste, color, and different historical contexts in which Christians find themselves? Are we not in danger of creating divisions and encouraging polarizations, thereby endangering Christian unity by speaking about Dalit theology? Would we then accept Non- Dalits to develop a Non-Dalit theology? Although we cannot give a satisfactory answer to these questions, it is evident from the above discussions that Dalit theology is not meant to reject the known expressions or its usefulness. Rather, it is another expression of Indian Christian theology based on the living experience of Dalit themselves, which have been neglected in the earlier Indian Christian Theology. It comes as a powerful voice from the Dalit people in their language and for the service of the people. As a contextual theology it seeks to confront situations of oppression perpetuated by the dominant religious traditions without neglecting the ecumenical concern for one human community. As a matter of fact, an active commitment to peace and justice becomes an integral concern of this theological enterprise. It can also provide an opportunity for the non- Dalits a repentance of their past participation either directly or indirectly in the unjust structures, practices and attitudes produced and nurtured by the caste system.
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
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If you have any comment or questions about the above written article, please pass it to George Thekkanal . The author is a pastor in CSI Congregation, Chicago and also a student in Lutheran Theological College, Chicago.
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